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HOW TO IDENTIFY AN INTERNET KHLAWAIT

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There are nationalist, there are racists, there are right wingers and there are these so called ” KHASI SONS OF THE SOIL” whom we term as INTERNET KHLAWAIT. Defined by Banpynskhemlang Majaw as:

Urban slang for a Khasi Son of the Soil who fights outsiders with his supreme (read retarded) writing skills but most of his work is confined to Facebook Xenophobic Groups. His favourite and the only phrase spelt correctly is ‘Para Ri’.

They are found in their natural habitats; Facebook, Whatsapp, twitter and sometimes, in you tube. They are always criticising everything that is not Khasi or written in Khasi along with other languages. Below are some of the traits of these INTERNET KHLAWAIT.

1) They use queer names on their facebook accounts some may use realistic Khasi names but would never be their real names. In short, they use fake profiles.

2) The constantly use words like INGKHONG SHYLLANGMAT, MENDIE RI, LANGIONG, BIAH PONGRAI, etc… at the drop of a hat when you don’t subscribe to their idea of patriotism.

3) They resort to personal abuse when they lose an arguement.

4) Their knowledge of history is limited to U Tirot Sing and Kiang Nongbah anything before or after is a myth to them.

5) They are a frustrated lot, always skulking and complaining, with high levels of mysogyny blaming Khasi women for the ills of the Khasi people, and usually citing the example of Tirot Sing’s Mother as a classic MENDIE RI.

6) Believes that the Khasi Culture has gone down and blames the women for it. ( Noting that most of these Khlawaits, don’t even know how to wear a Jaiñboh or Jaiñspong or had ever used one, They prefer western up to date fashinable clothing and complains when a woman does the same.)

7)Believes that the role of a Khasi woman is limited to the hearth and homes and that women in western dress who parties or smokes or drink is against Khasi culture, but they will send a FRENS REQUEST and asked them to EXCEPT (SIC). If the woman fails to EXCEPT (accept) They let loose a plethora of adjectives calling them KHUSBI, and the likes even to the extent of describing the condition of the woman’s particular part of the anatomy which he had never even seen.

8) These Khlawaits are sexually perverted and would troll any profile, illegaly download their photos or videos and post them on facebook, whatsapp or anywhere with a caption on the photo as being KHUSBI, TNGA MYNDER, or anything.

9)The lament on the loss of Khasi etiquettes (AKOR KHASI) but will not hesitate to use abusive words themselves and even curse the female family members like sister or mothers of those who disagree with them. And at the same time these so called KHLAWAIT sees women only as a sexual object and they will justify RAPING A WOMAN just because she is doing something which does not subscribe to their Ideas.

10) Harps on various Khasi organisations but are never an active member of any and will prefer to stay home and battle in facebook than actually roughing it outside with any organisations because, they are Anti-Dkhar, Anti- Indian only in the internet, but STILL NEEDS KAM SORKAR and would still fill the Nationality column as INDIAN. So active participation with these organisations like in a rally or a Hunger strike is a big NO NO ioh shu DUH KAM SORKAR EI LASHAI!.


Am I an Ambedkarite, (Left?), Christian, progressive feminist?

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Am I an Ambedkarite, (Left?), Christian, progressive feminist?

It calls to me,
For reasons good and PC;
It calls to me,
For columns of deconstructing –
The right and left;
It calls to me,
Because Ambedkar saw beyond caste,
Because Phule fought harder still,
And Jesus was a sacrifice himself,
Because they offer a fortress.
But I cannot go,
Though I can fight along with you,
But I cannot go,
I’m beyond your male solidarity yet.
My enemy is bigger;
When I am still ‘tribal’;
When Ambedkar compares in disgust –
The Brahmin to a tribal.
Because the enemy has been shooting and killing
With guns of the state
An no one has heard enough yet.
Because you still feel the need –
To teach me and me to learn –
The male language of politics
I’ve only learned so far-
The competition of oppression.
Go sister and brother go –
I’ll stand by you;
But I’m still ‘tribal’ yet
Taking some time to find out
What labels I can slap on me;
While I grow weary of our lessons;
On who is more oppressed;
And as a woman listen to you tell me;
Who my leaders should be.
So I am taking my time to find out
If there are labels I can slap on me.

 

“Chinky kitna?”

I feared and angered
In my younger years,
When men asked me at the bus stop,
“Chinky kitna?”
Until the numbers
Tired me.
And my own violence
Violated my sisters on the streets.
So now i respond –
“Sau lakh” (or more).
Because the violence tires me.
As much as the violent demands
Of purity
Tires me back home.
For I can never be –
A good Indian girl,
My body does not belong;
In the Indian set.
(I don’t complain).
And I can never be –
A good Khasi girl,
To live a full human.
So now I laugh and ask tell you all –
I’m too expensive for “good”.

 

 

Are we Khasis like ‘crabs in a bucket’?

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There is a famous Khasi middle class story about selfishness and it goes something like this. There were a number of crabs in a bucket and they were all destined to become dinner at some point in time. The crabs knew about this and they realised that they needed to escape this horrible fate. The story goes on to tell us about how one of the crabs had somehow managed to get a firm grip on the rim of the bucket and was proceeding to pull himself out to the relative safety of the outside world. However, just as he was about to complete his great escape, the other crabs resorted to pulling him back down to the bottom of the bucket. He was, thus, doomed like the rest. The moral that many Khasi people draw from this is that Khasis are like the crabs in that they are inherently selfish and would rather pull other Khasis down rather than raise them up to greater heights or glory (or as the story goes, to freedom). It is one of those stories that Khasi middle class society has learned off by rote and which comes out often during drinking sessions. I have heard it so many times that I instinctively cringe at it when I happen to hear the familiar lines: “Ki briew jong ngi te ki long kum ki tham…”(our people are like crabs…).

So firstly, this story is about as Khasi as sliced bread or Kentucky Fried Chicken. Many people the world over use the same allegory to voice the same complaints within their own particular contexts. The conclusion is usually the same so there is nothing Khasi about this in a strict purist sense. I have heard Bodo people say it, Mizos tell each the same thing, Bengalis as well as the Assamese. Selfishness it can be argued is a universal human feature. Now the other thing is – and this might shock some of you – crabs are not human beings! We may enjoy our Jataka and Panchatantra tales but they are hardly manuals on human behaviour. What do you think is going to happen?

The story of the crabs in the bucket is actually a philosophical experiment. It is easy for the listener to condemn the apparently selfish act of the crabs in the bucket but is it so straightforward? Who is actually being selfish? The singular individual crab or the clawed throng that pulls him back? The way you look at the story depends on the type of person you are. If you are a person who prides individual achievement over collective interests then you’d side with the lone crab hero. Most people would boo and jeer at the throng for their pettiness. However, the other side of the story is this: our hero is, probably, a real selfish bastard. It is actually unfair that the story unfolds as it does. Does it tell us how many crab heads our hero stepped on to get to the top? It is a story – like many others – about the sacrosanct virtue of individual achievement. It is a nice story and many of us identify with that crab: triumphant, glorious (and undoubtedly) egotistical. We immediately associate crowds with hysteria, violence and viciousness. When we turn to politics, we see this very clearly. Our politicians stand over us: unassailable, irreproachable, haughty. Many of them actually come from humble settings and humble locales but you wouldn’t know it based on the way they act. They are the crabs who’ve made it to the top but none of us dare pull them down. We forget that they rose to their current heights because of the belief people have invested in them. Upon climbing up high though they have proceeded to defecate upon the same devotees. Only the businessmen and contractor friends are enjoying themselves. The “common” people have nothing but filth on their faces.

If we are going to compare crabs with humans, perhaps, another version of the ‘crabs in the bucket’ story could be as follows: the crabs organise a ‘great escape’, after many sessions of careful planning and coordination, they come up with the idea of using a distraction to fool the humans while one of their best trained crabs climbs over the wall with the help of some others. The said crab would then drop down an escape line and thus everyone could be saved. This is a nicer scenario because it argues for a better, much happier conclusion. Rather than the original story which pits individual survival against collective doom, in this version of the story everyone is saved! This version lays emphasis on the importance of teams and team-work. That the crab-hero could not be triumphant without the aid of others is understood and accepted by everyone including the fellow crabs.

An interesting tangent that arises from my version of the tale is this: when the crab-hero gets to the top, it has two choices – to either drop the escape line and help rescue the others or to save only its own skin and run away? Based on these two choices, certain economists, politicians and technocrats say that people – being intrinsically selfish and self-involved – would choose the latter option as it is the one that requires the least amount of work and time. It turns out to be the most “profitable”. This was essentially the situation and conclusion proposed by the mathematician John Nash in a game he helped devise called “Fuck You, Buddy!”. Through it he inferred that humans would always try to fulfill their own selfish desires; so our crab-hero must always – according to his rational logic – desert his comrades and leave them to their fate. However, the actual results of Nash’s game showed that people, in fact, did not behave like that. Most people (empirically) tried to help one another and negotiate with each other in order to achieve a collective goal or desire in the game. Can we not apply this to politics and economics as well? Why must we be drawn into false binaries which do not reflect reality and the experience of living together as a society? Must we be cut-throats in our approach?

The last interesting thought that I want to extract from this scenario is perhaps the most realistic. Let me repeat the query again: when the crab-hero gets to the top, it has two choices – to rescue the others or to save its own skin. In a political sense, for its own future power, the crab-hero should save the others. Their gratitude and appreciation would guarantee the hero-crab the fruits of a secure and prosperous life. The other crabs would deify him for his apparent selfishness. This is perhaps the most Machiavellian (or Chanakyan if you prefer). It is also the most ‘true-to-life’ scenario which mirrors our political world today. There is scope for a lot of abuse of power based on this outcome. Individuals could abuse the privilege of their office to gain and accrue wealth as we see it today in Meghalaya. The key to thwarting this must surely lie in the public realising its own power. The public will have to realise that the individual desire for power is real but so too is its own power to shape and control it. Unless this happens, only doom awaits us.

 

Manfulson Lyngdoh (Bah Hep) – an obituary

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An obituary by SnowWhite, Bah Hep’s band – photos courtsey Donboklang Ryntathiang

Manfulson Lyngdoh (Bah Hep), Snow White’s guitarist passed away on the 20th October 2017 in Shillong. The funeral service will be conducted on the 22nd October 2017 at Upper Lummawrie Laitumkhrah Shillong at 2:30 P.m. He will be laid to rest at Lawmali, Presbyterian Church Cemetery.

Manfulson was born on the 1st of April 1979 to (late) Rolin Dkhar and Smt. Win Lyngdoh of Riatsamthiah Shillong.

He started his career in music at a very young age of 6 Years playing in church services and winning many music competitions at a very young age.

At a time when many of his school mates where preparing for their final exams, Manfulson was busy playing as a session musician in studios making music for iconic albums like those produced by the Khasi Students Union. He continued playing for bands like Conbrio and others. Meanwhile he continued playing in gospel albums produced by the Bible Society India Shillong Auxilliary and innumerable other albums.

Click to view slideshow.


It was in the year 2001 that Manfulson joined Snow White as its guitarist and in the year 2005 Snow White produced its album ‘U Rangdajied’. Manfulson arranged the music for this album and his contribution to the band’s music is tremendously immense. He continued to play in many more albums recorded in famous studios like ‘Rocabelle’ and ‘The Basement’. He continued to play with Snow White till his demise.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QL2B31Iv8Fo
His greatest contribution lies in his mentoring of many other guitarist who have now established themselves as potential great musicians of Shillong. Interestingly, Manful never spoke about how he did all this mentoring. 

Snow White mourns the passing away of this great musician at a very young age of only 38 Years. Brother, Friend, Fellow Musician, we will miss you dearly. Thank you for the music and all the good times.

May God bless your family and loved ones. RIP brother.

Ka Film Halor Ki Hok Jong Ki Nongtrei Nongbylla

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Lada phi dei i nongtrei-nongbylla ha jylla Meghalaya, peit ia kane ka video. kan batai shai ia ki hok jong phi ha ki kam sorkar, lane ha ki kam riewshimet (private) bad ter ter. Ngi lah ban ioh ki hok lada ngi ieng tylli lang kawei. Peit bad pynsaphriang ia kane sha baroh ki nongbylla ba shah pynduh ia ki hok jong ki.

Balei Ba Ym Dei ban Pyntreikam ia Ka Aadhar-based Biometric Authentication (ABBA)

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Kane ka dei ka jingthoh jong ka Reetika Khera kaba kyrteng “Why ABBA must go”, kaba la pynwan sha ka ktien khasi da u Rev. Kyrsoibor Pyrtuh hadien ba la ioh jingbit. Ka Reetika Khera ka hikai Economics ha IIT Delhi

Kawei na ki jingeh kaba mih na ka jingpyrtreikam bad jingpynsnoh ia U Adhaar Number ka dei ka Adhaar – based Biometric Authentication lane ABBA. Mynta ka Sorkar India bad wat ki Sorkar Jylla da ki buit ba pher ba pher ki pynthamme bad pynbor ia ki briew ban ringdur Adhaar bad ban pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number ha man la ki kam bad ki jingdonkam ba man la ka sngi jong ki briew, kum ka kam sam jingbam reshon (PDS), ka bylla shi spah sngi (MNERGS) bad ki bank, mobile phone bad kumta ter ter. Na ka bynta ban ioh ia ki jingdonkam ba man la ka sngi bad ia ki hok, ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban pynshisha shuwa ia lade ha kita ki kor ki bor kiba la tip kum ka point of sale machine.

Ha u ‘nai Risaw 2017 la mih ka khubor ba kawei ka khynnah Dalit kaba dang khat wei snem ka rta kaba kyrteng ka Santoshi Kumari na Jharkhand ka la duh ei ia ka jingim na ka daw ba kam ioh bam namar ba kam don ia u Adhaar Number bad kane ka khubor ka la saphriang kylleng ka Ri. Hynrei ka Sorkar ka len ba kane ka khynnah ka iap thngan bad da rapjot pynban da kaba ong ba kane ka khynnah ka iap na ka jingpang khie shoh. Ka jingong jong ka Sorkar ka iaphnieng bad ka jingphla jong ka kime ka Santoshi kaba ong ba ka khun jong ka kam shym la ioh ia ka jingpang khie shoh. Hadien ka jingkhlad jong ka Santoshi shibun bah ki khubor iap thngan jong ki briew ha kylleng ki jaka ki la paw bad mih pyrthei bad kawei na kita ka dei ka jingiap jong u Ruplal Marandi bad la ong ruh ba ka jingiap jong u ka iasnoh hi bad ki kam Adhaar. Katba ka Sorkar ka leh kuman bad kam shim khia ia kane ka kam bad kam shym la don kano kano ka jingiakren ne jingiapyrkhat kumno ban leh bad ka Food Ministry na Delhi ha ka hukum ba ka pynmih ha ka taiew ba kut jong u Risaw kam shym la kren ei ei halor kumno ban pynbeit ia ki jingeh kiba mih ha ka kam sam jingbam reshon naduh ba la pyntreikam ia ka jingring dur Adhaar bad ka ABBA.

La bun bnai mynta, wat hapdeng ki rai ba shipor jong ka Supreme Court ba ym dei ban pynbor ia ki briew ban ring dur Adhaar bad ba ki nongshong shnong kim bit ban duh ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi lada kim don ia u Adhaar Number, ka Sorkar Kmie ka iai ban bad iai pynbor ba dei ban ringdur Adhaar bad ban pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number (seeding) bad ki jingdonkam bad jingtreikam ba man la ka sngi, ki scheme bad kiwei. Ka Sorkar ka iai ban ba dei ban pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number bad ki scheme sam jingbam reshon (PDS), ka bylla shispah sngi (MNRGES) bad ka bai bam tymmen jong ki briew ba la shongthait na ka kam (pension). Kumta ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban pynshisha shuwa ia lade man la ka por ba ki leit shim ne pdiang ia kitei ki hok bad jingmyntoi ba ki ioh na ka Sorkar bad ia kane ki khot ka Adhaar-based Biometric Authentication (ABBA). Ki Scheme kum ka jingsam jingbam reshon , ka bylla shi spah sngi bad bai bam tymmen jong ki briew ba la shongthait na ki kam, ki dei ki hok bad nongkynti jong ki nongshong shnong bad lada jia ba kim don Adhaar number ruh kim bit ban duh ia ki hok jong ki. Ka Sorkar ka pynksan ba u Adhaar number un pynduh ia ka bamsap, hynrei kata kam long kaba shisha bad ka jingpyntreikam jubor ia u Adhaar number bad ka jingpynsnoh ia u bad ki jingdonkam ba man la ka sngi ka wanrah pynban ia ki jingeh bad buh ia ka jingim bad ia ki hok jong ngi ki nongshong shnong ha ka jingma kaba khraw.

Ka Sorkar ka kwah ban pyntreikam jubor ia u Adhaar Number bad pynsnoh ia u bad ki jingdonkam ba man la ka sngi jong ki nonshong shnong bad kaei kaba jia? Ki nongtrei jong ki tnat treikam ba pher ki ot bad pyndam noh ia ki kyrteng jong kito ki bym shym ai ia u Adhaar number jong ki. Kiwei pat ki ap haduh ban da kut ka por ne ka sngi ban pynsnoh Adhaar number bad kin sa pyndam noh ia ki kyrteng jong kito ki bym don ia u Adhaar number ne ki bym kwah ban pynsnoh ha ki scheme bapher bapher. Katba ka Sorkar pat ka kam ba kito kiba shah mait kyrteng ki dei ki kyrteng thok bad kim dei ki briew shisha (fake) kumta ka Sorkar ka lah ban kunai bad pynduna jinglut da ki klur tyngka. Ka jingshisha pat ka long ba ka Santoshi ka khynnah rit kaba iap na ka daw ka jingduh bam ka dei kawei na kito ki spah ngut ki briew kiba im shisha ,ki nongshong shnong kiba la shah mait kyrteng na ki scheme jong ka Sorkar bad kine ki shu iap bad duh ei ia ki hok jong ki. Kine ki nongshong shnong ki iap bad duh ei ia ki hok jong ki bad ki shah mait kyrteng tang na ka daw ba kim don Adhaar number bad kim shym pynsnoh ia u Adhaar number jong ki.

Ka jingmait kyrteng bad ban pynduh ia ki nongshong shnong ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi ba ki ioh kam dei ka jingkunai ne ka jingpynduna ia ka jinglut jingsep ka Sorkar. Ki don kiba kynnoh ba ki briew ki duh noh ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi namar ba kim shym pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number, katba kiba bun bah ki briew kim don jingtip bad jingsngewthuh ia ki jnit ki jnat ne ki jingdonkam bad ka long kaba eh ia ki rangli ki juki bad riew paidbah ban sngewthuh ia ka rukom treikam khamtam ki kor ki bor bad kaei ka jingma kaba don hangta? Ha ka Jylla Jharkhand la pynsangeh kynsan ia ka bai bam tymmen jong ki katto katne ki nongtrei ba la shongthait bad kine kim tip ei ei bad kim tip ruh na kaei ka daw? Ym don ba batai bad pynshai ia ki. Ha kiwei ki khep don kiba la pynsnoh bakla ia u Adhaar Number bad kiwei pat katba ki pyrshang ban pynsnoh kim lah satia ne ki kor ki bor kim pdiang ia ka jingpynsnoh. Ka kam pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number kam dei ka kam kaba jem kumba don kiba pyrkhat kumta.

Ka jingpynsnoh ia u Adhaar number ka dei kawei na ki jingpyntreikam ia ka Adhaar-based Biometric Authentication (ABBA) bad kaba buh jingeh tam ia ka jingsam ia ki jingbam reshon lyngba ki dukan reshon bad kiwei. Katkum ka ABBA ka donkam ba baroh ki dkhot jong ka longiing ban ringdur bad pynrung kyrteng Adhaar bad ka jingpynsnoh kaba dei ia u Adhaar Number ha ka Card reshon. Ha ka por ba ki nongshong shnong ki leit ban shim ne thied jingbam reshon ki hap ban pynshisha ialade ha ka ABBA. Kumta ka ABBA ka donkam ia kine ki jingdonkam ba kongsan, ka bor ding elektrik, ka point of sale machine (PoS) ka bym don jingthut ne kata ka kor ban pynshisha ia ki briew, ka mobile bad ka internet. Nalor nangta ka thup kaba lum bad buh ia ki jingtip jong kiba la ringdur Adhaar kaba tip kum ka Central Identities Data Repository ka dei ban im bad treikam khlem sangeh khnang ban lah ban pynithuh bad pynshisha ia ki briew ba ki dei ma ki da ki shympriah kti ne pung kti jong ki hi. Kynmaw ba don ki shnong khamtam ki shnong kyndong ha Jylla Meghalaya ki bym ioh bor ding elektrik da ki 5 ne 6 bnai lynter, te kaei ka ban jia ia ki briew kiba shong ha kita ki shnong? Ka longiing jong u Ruplal Marandi ki lah dep ban ringdur Adhaar bad la lah ruh ban pynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number ha ka reshon card, pynban kim lah ban pynshisha ialade namar ki dur ne ki dak ha ki shympriah kti ba ki ai ha ka por ba ki ringdur bad ki dur ne dak shympriah kti kiba ki ai ha ka por ban pynshisha ia lade kim iadei satia, kumta kim lah ban pynithuh bad pynshisha ia lade bad ki duh noh ia ka reshon card bad ki duh noh ruh ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi ba ki dei ban ioh. Ka khun jong u Ruplal ka iathuh ba u kpa jong ka u khlad na ka daw ka jingiapthngan namar ka iing jong ki kam shym lah ban ioh ia ka reshon card namar ba kim lah satia ban pynshisha ia lade ha ka ABBA.

Ki don bun bah ki sakhi ban pynshisha ba ka ABBA kam lerkam bad ka buh jingeh ne jingma pynban, ka kaiphot jong ka Economic survey jong ka Finance Ministry ka kdew shai ia kiba bun ki jingeh bad jyrwit jyrwat kiba mih kiba iadei bad ka jingpynshisha bad jingpynithuh ia ki briew da ki biometric ne da ki dur bad dak shympriah kti ne pung kti.

Ha ka Jylla Rajasthan katkum ka kaiphot Sorkar tang 70% kiba ioh reshon card kiba lah ban pynshisha bad pynithuh ialade, katba kiwei pat ki shem jingeh ban pynshisha ialade bad ym lah pat ban pynshisha ba ki dei kita ki bym donkam ia ki jingmyntoi ba ioh na ka scheme sam jingbam reshon jong ka Sorkar. Ha ki Jylla Andhra Pradesh bad Telegana kaba ki Sorkar ki kam ba ka ABBA ka treikam janai, ki pyntreikam ia ka ABBA ha kaba siew bainong ia ki nongbylla shispah sngi (MNREGS wages) bad ia ki bai bam jong ki briew kiba la shongthait na ki kam. Hangne ruh la shem ia ka jingdkhoh bad jingthut ha kaba 8% haduh 14% ki briew, ki nongbylla bad ki nongtrei ba la shongthait kim shym la lah ban pynshisha ia lade. Ha ki katto katne bnai, man la uwei ne kawei na ki saw ngut kiba leit shim ia ka bai bam pension ki wan phai thylli sha iing namar ba kim lah ban pynshisha bad pynithuh ialade ha ka ABBA.

Bun na ngi ngim shemphang ba ka ABBA kan ym lah satia ban pynduh pyndam ,wat ban pynduna, ia ka bamsap bampong. Kawei, ka ABBA kan ym lah ban pynsangeh ia ki mahajon ba pyniaid dukan reshon na kaba thok bad shukor ia ki briew bad pynduna thew. Ka bamsap kaba khraw ha ka jingsam bam reshon ka long ka jingpynduna thew ia ki mar bam ba sam sa ki paidbah (quantity fraud). U Adhaar Number lymne ka jingpynsnoh ia u Adhaar Number lymne ka ABBA kaba pynshisha ia kiba dei hok ban ioh, kine baroh kim lah ban pynduh ia ki kam thok kam shukor kiba ju jia ha ka jingsam jingbam reshon. Ha ka survey ha ka Jylla Jharkhand la shem ba ki mahajon ba sam jingbam reshon ki iai bteng ban thok, ban pynduna thew bad ban khet ne shim noh shi kilo na ka bhah jong ki nongbam reshon wat hadien ba la pyntreikam ia ka ABBA. Kaba ar, ka long kaba suk ban tuh bad pyndonkam bakla ia ki dur ne dak shympriah kti jong kiwei kiba la ringdur Adhaar bad ban shna tuh ia ki reshon card. Kaba donkam hangne ka long ban ioh tang u Adhaar number bad ban pynsnoh ia u ha ka reshon card bad ban leh ia kane ym donkam ban pynshisha ha ka ABBA. Lehse lah ban don ki lad jingiada na ka jingshah tuh ki dur shympriah ne pung kti bad ka longrynnieng jong ki briew, tangba kane ka jingpyntreikam ia u Adhaar number bad ka jingpynsnoh ia u bad ki jingdonkam ba man la ka sngi ka wanrah shibun ki jingeh bad ki jingma bad kawei na kita ka dei kaba ktah ia ka hok ban im jar jar shimet shimet kumba la thaw bad pynlong ia ngi (right to privacy).

Kaba lai, hangne hangtai ki lah ban don ki riew tymmen, bad ki don shisha, kiba ym lah shuh ban leit da lade ban shim ne thied jingbam na ki dukan reshon bad ki shu phah ha ki ba ha iing ne para marjan. Katkum ki kyndon treikam u Adhaar yn niew ia kita kiba iarap kum ki briew kiba tuh ia ka longrynnieng jong kiwei. Kumta da kaba pyntreikam ia ka ABBA naduh ki khunlung haduh ki tymmen ki kro, ki bym lah wat tang ban iaid, ruh kin hap ban leit hi da ialade ban pynshisha ne pynithuh ia ladae.

Kumta man la ka bnai ki nongshong shnong kin hap ban iaid bad jam lyngba ki san tylli ki dieng pyngkiang na ka bynta ban ioh ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi. Wei, ka shnong ba ki sah ka dei ban don ia ka bor ding elektrik kaba thikna, ar, ka kor Point of Sale machine ka dei ban treikam, lai, ka dukan bad jaka sam jingbam reshon ka dei ban don internet bad mobile connection, saw, ka thup buh kyrteng Adhaar ne ka Central Identities Data Repository ka dei ban im bad treikam khlem sangeh bad san, ki dur ne ki dak shympriah kti ne pungkti ha ka por ba pynshisha ne pynithuh ia lade ki dei ban iadei bad ki dur ne dak shympriah kti ne pung kti kiba ki briew ki ai ha ka por ba ring dur. Lada duna tang kawei na kine ki jingdonkam kan buh jingeh ban ioh ia ki hok bad jingmyntoi . Lada bakla tang shisien ruh kan pynlynga bad pynduh thiah ia ki briew na ka bynta kiwei pat ki bnai ban wan. Ha kane ka rukom lada mih ki jingbakla lane ka jingbym lah jong ki briew ban jam ia kitei ki san tylli ki jingdonkam ka wanrah jingeh bad buh ia ka jingim briew ha ka jingma ba ki lah ban duh noh ia ki hok jong ki baroh. Ki Jylla kum ka Rajasthan ka la pyrkhat ban niew ne khein ia ki nongshong shnong ne longiing ki bym lah ban pynshisha ia lade kum ki briew ne longiing kiba la iap ne ki bym don satia hapoh ka Jylla. Ki scheme sam jingbam reshon ki long na ka bynta ban iada ia ki nongshong shnong na ka jingiap thngan bad ban kyntiew ia ka koit ka khiah da kaba sam ia ki jingbam kiba tei. Pynban da kaba pyntreikam ia u Adhaar Number bad ia ka ABBA ka pynlong ia ki briew ba kin im ha ka jingtieng bad jinglynga-pisa kaba jur.

Ka Sorkar ka dei ban pynsangeh noh shi syndon ban pyntreikam ia ka ABBA na ka scheme sam jingbam reshon bad ka dei ban thaw da kiwei pat ki lad ki lynti kiba kham bha ban pynpoi ban pynioh ia ki jingmyntoi sha ki paidbah, ka lah ban leh ia kata da kaba pyndonkam ia ki smart card. Lada ka Sorkar ka iai ban bad iai pynbor ban pyntreikam ia ka ABBA, lah ban ong ba ka Sorkar ka don tang kawei ka jingthmu bad kata ka long ban pyntroin ne pynduh pyndam shi syndon ia ka scheme sam jingbam reshon kaba la long baroh shi katta ka jingim bad ka jingkyrkhu kaba khraw ia kiba duk ba kyrduh bad ia ki rangli ki juki.

A mixed up ‘Khasi’ reflects on his ancestry

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I am an individual of mixed ancestry and I have often wondered where my ancestors came from. Who were they? Where did they come from? What of their culture?

These questions had kept me awake my entire childhood and I never got an answer to them, not even when I earned a Bachelor’s degree in history. My entire life I was taught about the cultural practices and folktales of my mother’s Khasi ancestors but the history of this tribe remained unknown to me. There was a gaping hole in my knowledge that neither school nor college ever attempted to fill.

I was given lessons on Khasi language and folklore in school, but they could hardly be considered rigorous or deep. Instead what was offered to me at my ICSE school was a superficial knowledge, I was taught the Khasi language, poetry and prose and a bit of Folklore but I was never told their significance or historical context. My school history books contained the names of dynasties and rulers of far away and alien lands. No mention was made of the history of the local land.

Even when I joined college, my syllabus of local history began with the arrival of the British with David Scott and ended in the 1970’s. What came before that? Not the professors’ problem. There was an option to teach medieval and ancient North East history but I do believe the professors did not want to touch that with a ten-foot pole so we ignored that portion.

My knowledge of Khasi came from an alternative source outside of the educational institution, in a library, the State Central Library on a warm summer afternoon. I was perusing through the history section when I happened across a book, “Archaeology in North East India” by Jai Prakash Singh and Gautam Sengupta. The book contained the published works of various scholars on the history and archaeological studies done in North East India, the chapter, “Who are the pre-historic dwellers of Meghalaya Plateau?” by Zahid Hussain caught my eye. The theories put out in the chapter quite literally realigned my entire perspective on the Khasi tribe and gave answers to many questions I had about my Khasi ancestors.

In short, the chapter argued that the Khasis were a hybridized ethnicity. According to the author with evidence he had at the time, Khasi were the descendants of Australoids and Mongoloids who had settled on the Meghalaya plateau since Mesolithic and Neolithic times. The theory explained the strange physical features of Khasis which differentiated them from surrounding tribes. Apparently, these two distinct groups of people intermingled and intermarried and gave rise to the unique and distinct ethnic group, the Khasis. The Khasis as a result of their mixed ancestry have features of both Australoids and Mongoloids. The author also presents the shared ancestry of the Khasis and Mundas of the Chota Nagpur Plateau as evidenced by shared cultural practices like cremation of the dead and similarities in language and other things.

Overall the chapter was quite eye-opening and answered a large number of questions I had. Of course, the ideas and theories of one individual may be mistaken but at least someone tried to provide answers. In academia and in history, theories and ideas often get replaced as the evidence changes, but there is at least an attempt to seek answers. Why were such things never taught to us in our school years? I am sure many would find that much more interesting than memorizing the entire list of Mughal rulers. Surely one measly chapter in a tenth-grade history book would not hurt? Perhaps the theory is widely disputed? Perhaps the people who set syllabus did not think it was important?
Whatever the case may be, people have a right to hear both sides of a controversy, considering the importance of the subject matter. Whatever the case, people need to hear about their history. In the absence of open discussion, it leaves the door open to malevolent people to create pseudo history to fulfill some absolutist political aim. History may be scorned and ridiculed of all the humanities but humans have always looked to it to form an identity, a sense of self. We have to change how it is taught and discussed.

Going to Jirang

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Going to Jirang when I was a child was one of the most exciting things for me, if not the most. Every winter, we took a trip there, sometimes for a few weeks, sometimes a whole month or more. It was a process, it included taking a taxi or a bus to Iew Mawlong, a two minutes walk there, to the bus stand (which changes every now and then) and finding seats in front because I always got sick. Sometimes it would be me, my two maternal cousins – Kongieit and Kongieit, my aunt and my mother, sometimes, instead of my mother it would be one of her brothers (my uncles).

Now, when we go to Jirang, we skip the whole process, we just drive there in our Maruti 800. Both of them are fun, although I miss the sitting with my uncle or mother in a bus. We drive through Mairang, to Nongkhlaw, and then go down a steep and winding hill, to the gentler slopes in the north. But of course, I never thought of it as north, it was always, sharum Nongkhlaw, we don’t use North-South, we use shaneng (uphill) and sharum (downhill), like Tzeltal, a Mayan language, spoken in Mexico. Although in Tzeltal, uphill and downhill are slightly differently from Khasi – uphill is used for South and downhill is used for North. Anyway, I digress from my story, one can read more about these ways of talking about space in Levinson and Wilkin’s (editors) book on Spatial grammars.

Back to going to Jirang. It was always an adventure, the journey was always part of the holiday. It wasn’t always smooth, no my watch once fell off the bus once, my first watch! The driver had to stop the bus and everyone had to wait. And of course the car sickness. We always packed plastic bags for me to vomit into. And the smell of makyllain! I used to hate it, in the bus, it made my head spin and there was always someone smoking a makyllain in the bus, especially near Mairang or Nongkhlaw, after the tea breaks. When we reached, it was almost always dark. You can smell the difference between Shillong and Jirang. Jirang smells like the earth leaks out its aroma, heavy and comforting, it smelled like the forest around and the ground, Shillong, depends on where you live but where we lived then, it smelled musky or crisp.

When we reached, in my younger days, before my mother’s family built a slightly more modern house, we had a bamboo hut, with a roof made of long grass. My memories of the old place are vague, but the important thing is the smen(fire) and the pong. In the old house, the fire was in the middle of the kitchen, around which everyone sat. It had a woven platform over it, hung from the ceiling. There you kept food and smoked the meat. In the new house, the smen was in one end of the kitchen, on the sides were pickles heating in the fire and soot covered kettles. The pong is a bamboo structure attached to the kitchen, with a low bamboo wall. On one side is a bamboo structure, rising a little from the floor, where we kept the dabors and the soaps and buckets. We always showered in the pong, with the sky above and the other kids. It is an experience that I’m so grateful to have had.

We speak Mnar in Jirang, a language so different, mutually unintelligible from Khasi. My training in linguistics tells me this is a different variety of the Khasian languages. There are several of them. While we share so many of the ways in which we talk about the world, about our experiences of it, languages are also different. To call a language a language and to mark variances as dialects, is a political process and very often do not do justice to the variants. If we look at Norwegian and Swedish, they share many more similarities than Standard Khasi and Mnar, and yet they are languages, because they are spoken in different countries. So for historical reasons and political reasons, Standard Khasi has become “the Language”, and all the others, dialects. However, the grammar, the phonology of languages like Pnar and Mnar (and I suspect several other “dialects”) differ from Khasi to a point where a linguist would classify them as different languages. These discussions happen between linguists and one can find them in several papers and theses on these languages. It is also sad that such a process limits the studies of the variances, which is an important part of understanding who we are. Attached to a language, is a wealth of information – folk stories, medicinal knowledge, information on language contact, to name a few.

Back to Jirang, we always wake up early there. My aunt wakes up at 4:00 or even earlier, to go to the field. Sometimes we went along, ‘lih-sut’. To harvest and clear the fields. We’d walk to the jungle (thick jungles) and in my head, it was always far away. Each of us got a basket on our backs, with a rope that goes over the head or the shoulders. We kept our knives, packed rice in leaves and whatever else we needed for the day. When we reach the field, there is a tiny structure generally, where we keep our ‘prah’ and get to work. In the afternoon, my aunt would make a fire, cook some jew-jhit (a sour, reddish vegetable) and then we sit down to eat. Nothing tastes better than food cooked over fire. Then we work for some more, and head back home. On the way, we might get some jew-syioh, or synsar as it is called in Khasi and some wild vegetables. I’ve never met animals in the jungle, but I know people who did. My aunt met a Bengal tiger face to face when she was a child and the stories send shivers down my spine. She was very brave and got home in one piece, and in a terrible fright. But that is a story for another piece perhaps.

We also had to fetch water, from ‘u-am – masculine, singular-water’. The source of water is masculine in Mnar, though water itself is feminine. We took our phiangs (water pots)with us and went to fetch water. On the way, we cross some neighbour’s huts and we always stopped by to chat. The whole place is hilly, going to the toilet was going dowhill a bit. Going to ‘u-am’ was going downhill, then uphill a little. While going downhill, we cross a small jungle, where I first saw a coffee seed. My cousin showed it to me way back, when she was little too, and I wondered how she knew such things. In that little forest, which was behind my grandparents’ and now aunt’s house, were many pineapples and tympew. At the watersource, the water trickles through a thick bamboo stick and collects in a little pool. Beyond the water source is where the big jungle is.

We have several cousins in Jirang and playing with them is always such fun. You never play only one or two people. You always played in huge group. We played with big seeds I remember. You hold the seed between your big toe and the one next to it and hopped around and shot it with your toe. I might be wrong about the particulars of the game, but it was fun. We also carved houses into the sides of the lane. You see most pathways were cut into the mud, so there is almost always a bit of a mud wall on the side of a street. We used to cut into them and make houses, complete with rooms and if you were good enough you could also cut the furniture into it. There was always something to do in Jirang. Like going to different markets on different days of the week. I was too young to go to the markets further away and I always felt so jealous of my older cousins, because they were grown-up enough to do that. But I did get to go to the one in the village, Io Mnar. The markets were on Tuesdays if I remember correctly. It was the most exciting thing. The shops are all small structures of wood or bamboo. We have people selling and buying from the surrounding villages as well. I always got some puffed rice with jaggery. On the road to and from the market, there were several places where spirits lived, in a dense growth of vegetation. In Jirang the spirits live in the rocks and streams and particular locations. One should be careful where one stands for too long.


A Khasi-Pnar anti corruption campaigner is assaulted by other Khasis in Barak Valley of Assam

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This is a report by Barak Human Rights Protection Committee (BHRPC), Assam

Mrs. Christina Pyrtuh and her family were assaulted, molested and driven out of her home and village for protesting against corruption in implementation of schemes under the local area development fund of the member of legislative assembly (MLA) of Assam representing their constituency Katigorah in the district of Cachar in Assam. She also protested against corruption of funds meant for Indira Avas Yojana (now rechristened as Pradhan Mantri Avas Yojana). She and her family are now temporarily living in Meghalaya at great risks of danger to her and her children’s life and limbs. She and her family are being persecuted for her protest against corruption.

Mrs. Christina Pyrtuh is a 34 years old Khasi woman of the village Baikham Punji, under Kushiarkul Gaon Panchayat in Katigorah in the district of Cachar, Assam. Her father’s name is late Benjamin Suting. She has four children. She is a farmer by occupation. In spite of her cardiac illness, she is a very active woman and aware of her rights and duties as a member of the society.  Her family includes:

  1. Pretane Pyrtuh 15 years old daughter of Christina Pyrtuh.
  2. Aryan Pyrtuh , 12 years old son of Cristina Pyrtuh.
  3. Dannyster Pyrtuh, 6 years old son of Christina Pyrtuh.
  4. Esharica Pyrtuh, 11years old. Daughter of Christina Pyrtuh.
  5. Stalbida Pyrtuh, mother of Christina Pyrtuh. She is almost 70 years old. She is wholly dependent on Christina Pyrtuh.

The Baikam Punji is one of the very interior Punji under Kushiarkul Gaon Panchayat of Gumra area which is about 45 Kms away from Silchar, the district-headquarters of Cachar. About 40 families with 116 voters, mainly from Khashi community live there.  The average standard of living of the inhabitants is very poor. The main source of livelihood of the inhabitants is traditional farming.  Since it is a hilly area the only source of drinking water is a water reservoir constructed three years before. For primary health care service, a sub-center under Kalain Hospital has been set up in 2013 but it always remains closed and no doctor or staff has visited there since the constructio.  Huge corruption is allegedly going on in theimplementation of different government schemes meant to be implemented by the Gaon Panchayat authorities, the local self-government institution. The only road through which they use has always been non-metalled. It is only this year that an amount of 29 lakh 80 thousand rupees has been sanctioned by the local MLA from his MLA fund for construction of this road.

According to Mrs. Christina Pyrtuh, whose account was also corroborated by the newspaper reports, there were allegations of gross corruption in the construction work of the said road sanctioned under the MLA fund. Villagers of Baikam Punji organized a meeting on the issue at the 1618 No. Baikam Punji L.P. School  on 19 December 2017.  MLA Shri Amar Chand Jain was also present there. Mrs. Cristiana Pyrtuh also participated in the meeting and raised her voice against such corruption allegedly committed by the GP president Bablu Das in collaboration with some of the local people like Dilip Pyrtuh, Jan-Mukhim, Daboymi Lamare, Sidwel Suchiang and the village headman Drickson Shylla in implementation of different government projects in the Punji. Mrs. Pyrtuh along with other villagers such as Than-Mukhim, Fiden Kamen as well as the local teacher Mr. Banamali Prashad alleged that apart from the poor construction of the roads, Mr. Bablu Das and his accomplices also adopted corrupt practices during the distribution of houses under the Prime Minister Avas Yojona as they did earlier when it was known as Indira Avas Yojona. After taking bribe, they had given the financial assistance to Rumen Suchiang whose husband is a BSF personnel and who is the daughter of Jan Mukhim, one of their accomplices. Some family members of Dilip Pyrtuh also got the financial benefits.  Witnessing by his own eyes MLA scolded the accused persons and instructed the villagers to remain in correspondence with him and inform him about any further malpractices.

Mother and children of Mrs. Christina Pyrtuh after they were driven out of their home

The accused persons got very angry and annoyed at the protesters including Mrs Pyrtuh. They organized a meeting of their own in the village and asked the villagers to boycott and ostracize the protesters. Then one of the accused Daboimi Lamare who is a neighbour of the Mrs Pyrtuh started abusing her often after getting drunk. He asked her to leave the village otherwise he said he was going to make her life worse than hell by cutting her water connection. Then on 29 December Mrs. Pyrtuh saw that the pipe through which her family got water from the local water-reservoir was cut down. She complained to the villagers who suspected that the accused Daboymi Lamare did this as he warned. When asked he admitted that he did it indeed because the pipe went through his land and he was not going to allow it anymore. The villagers then suggested Mrs. Pyrtuh a new route to carry the pipe through avoiding the accused person’s land. She bought a new pipe and connected it through the way the villagers suggested. But on 31 December the new water pipe was wrecked again.  She was forced to fetch water in pitcher by herself from a distant river without the pipe.

On 1 January 2018 two of the accused persons namely Daboy Lamare and Jan Mukhim again attacked Mrs. Pyrtuh’s house, vandalized the yards, abused the victim family with filthy languages and threatened them with death. In Mstr. Arayan Pyrtuh’s words, Daboy Lamare said, “I will flee to Bangladesh after killing you with my Do-nala and fouling the graveyard with the venom of your dead body.”  The whole night they remained near her house waiting for an opportunity to attack them.  The victim family got very scared and sent words to the villagers for help but nobody came forward this time.  On 2 January Mrs. Pyrtuh lodged a complaint to the police.

Following the complaint, the police registered an FIR vide the Katigorah P.S Case No. 08/18 and on that night the police came and arrested two of the accused namely Diboymi Lamare and Dilip Pyrtuh. However, the victim saw that Diboymi came back home that night itself and Dilip got released on the very next day.

After coming back home the accused persons got more enraged and they started a vicious campaign against Mrs. Pyrtuh. They went door to door trying to manipulate the villagers saying that she didn’t want the development of the village. Their campaign included an attempt at character assassination, linking her with another person who also spoke out against them in the meeting.

On the other hand, due to shortage of drinking water the victim family fell ill and Mrs. Pyrtuh, Dannyster Pyrtuh and Aryan Pyrtuh, two of her children, had to be hospitalized in the Kalain Primary Health Center on 3 January, 2018. They were suffering acute diarrhoea along with severe dehydration. Mstr. Dennyster Pyrtuh was referred to Silchar Medical Collage, Silchar. The victim decided to consult another earlier known doctor before taking him to the Silchar Medical College and fortunately with his medication the child showed improvement. She took him to home on 4 January, 2018.

After returning home some of the villagers informed her that they had called one more meeting on 5 January, 2018 to settle the issue and she had to attend the meeting.  She went there bonafide keeping in mind the well-being of her children and hoping that now at least they would get enough drinking water but it turned out to be more of a nightmare.  When she went there one of the accused Shiduel Suchiang started clicking her photo from here and there. Then all the accused persons started pressurizing her to withdraw the case and not to give any statement to the press. The said Shudiel Suchiang also assaulted her in that meeting. They also threatened Mstr. Denyster Pyrtuh. Then on 5 January, 2018 at about 7 P.M Jan Mukhim came with some of his accomplices whom the victim family could not recognize and pelted stones at the victim’s house at the Punji. The inmates of the house had to run to a safe place nearby to save themselves. In the process Mrs. Stelbeda Pyrtuh narrowly escaped a fatal stone. The accused persons also went on abusing and threatening the whole family with death. The family had to spend the night in utmost fear and terror. And on that morning after spending a  sleepless night they had to leave the Punji for a safer shelter. But before that she filed another complaint with the Gumra Police Investigation Center on the incident of stone pelting and threats but no action was taken by the police. Right now, they are living with a relative in Meghalaya temporarily.  However, she regularly visits the Police Investigation Centre, Gumrah to know about the status of her case.

Seeing no other options, Mrs. Pyrtuh contacted Barak Human Rights Protection Committee (BHRPC) and came to the office on 19 January 2018. Since the police was not taking any action on her case, BHRPC advised her to give a representation to the higher police officials. Accordingly, she met Superintendent of Police, Cachar on 23 January 2018 and submitted a representation requesting for investigation of cases and for providing security to her and her family. Then, on 24 January 2018 the Investigation Officer of Gumrah Police Investigation Centre called her over the phone and asked her to go to the police station. She went there with her son Aryan at 1.pm in the noon but was asked to wait outside. She waited till 6 pm but nobody bothered to talk to her. She was a cardiac patient and as it was a cold weather she fell ill. Her son called one of her friends who immediately took her to the nearby Kalain FRU where she was admitted in serious condition. She was then referred to the Silchar Medical College on the next day but she opted to go to NEGRIMS in Shillong (Meghalaya) in view of threat to her life and went there.

BHRPC also wrote to the SP on 12 February 2018 but no action was taken. Then an appeal dated 17 February 2018 was sent by BHRPC to the Director General of Police, Assam and other authorities requesting for appropriate actions.

Mrs. Pyrtuh and her family are staying in Meghalaya until today. The police are still inactive and no charge-sheet has been filed yet. BHRPC is concerned about the safety and security and well-being of Mrs. Pyrtuh, her mother and children.

……………………………………………………………..

For further information, Ms Taniya Laskar, Secretary General, Barak Human Rights Protection Committee (BHRPC), may be contacted on 9401616763 and at taniyalaskar@gmail.com.

Blasphemous lines for mother

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R. K. Narayan is dead.
Tonight he sits pensive
in his bamboo chair talking of a “very rare soul.”
Suddenly I’m seized by a desire
to vivisect my own “very rare soul”
from end to end.
Let me begin by saying
my mother is more “plain-dealing,” more
“truth-telling” than Narayan’s.
My mother is retired, toothless, diabetic and bedevilled
by headaches and a blinding cataract. In short,
she is a cantankerous old woman.
I remember the time when she was a cantankerous
young woman. When she took an afternoon nap,
she was tigerish: “You sons of a vagina!” she
would snarl, “you won’t even let me rest for a moment,
sons of a fiend! Come here sons of a beast! If I
get you I’ll lame you! I’ll maim you! …Sons
of a louse! You feed on the flesh that breeds you!
Make a noise again when I sleep and I’ll thrash you
till you howl like a dog! You irresponsible nitwits!
how will I play the numbers If I don’t get a good dream?
How will I feed you, sons of a lowbred?

And this fiery salvo would come hurtling
with wooden stools, iron tongs and bronze
blowers, as we ran for our lives and she
gave chase with canes and firewood,
her hair flying loose, her eyes inflamed
and her tongue lashing with a mad rage.
And we being but children would never
learn anything except becoming experts
at dodging her unconventional weapons.
I remember how, having no daughter, she would
make me wash her blood-stained rags. Refusal
was out of the question. So, always I would pick
them with sticks and pestle them in an old iron bucket
till the water cleared. But mind you, all this on the sly.
Seeing me not using my hands would be lethal.

Those days in Cherra we never knew what
a toilet was. We never had a septic tank
or a service latrine. We simply did our job
in our sacred groves. But sometimes
my mother would do her job in a trash can.
Then it would fall on me to ferry the cargo
to a sacred grove. Refusal was out
of the question. So, always I would sprinkle
ash upon it, top it with betel-nut peels
and things and do my best to avoid nosy
neighbours and playmates. Those who
have seen Kamla Hasan in Pushpak
will understand my stratagems.
I could cite a thousand and one things
to demonstrate how cantankerously
rare my mother is. And I decline
to tell you anything good about her.
I’m not a Narayan and I decline
to tell you how she suffered when
my bucolic father was alive; or how
she suffered when he died; or how
she suffered rearing her two sons
and her dead sister’s toddlers
in the proper way. There’s only one
thing commendable I will admit about her:
if she had married again and not been
the cantankerous woman that she is,
I probably would not be standing
here reading this poem today.

Jainsem tourism

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Photos of male Indian tourists wearing the Dhara, a Khasi attire traditionally worn by women, are doing the rounds on social media. The photos were allegedly taken by the locals who actually rent out these costumes to tourists in various tourist destinations. Khasi folks are now salivating on these images and clapping their hands shouting, “jahbang!” (Badly translates into ‘serves you right’). Pitted ever so strongly on the patriarchal matrilineal social order, the Khasis’ laughter and perceived victory over the fooled Indian tourist is drawn from their own rigid sense of sex and gender and their representation. The honoured jainsem, of course, when displaced onto the male body now deserves insult and its value as a cultural artefact is diminished, if not lost entirely. This shouts out the age-old Khasi worldview that a man is a man is man and a woman can never be anything else than a woman. Where, then, is the joke in this entire spectacle? Perhaps a discussion in the exclusively male Dorbars would give us the answer- oh hold on, if I remember correctly, men without beards or effeminate men are also amongst the excluded herd in Khasi Dorbars.

There is though, an uncomfortable sense of jubilation in this episode which I find interesting; it speaks of a weird sense of anticolonial power derived from duping the Indian into literally and metaphorically ‘buying’ a signifier of Khasi tribal culture removed from its supposed signified- the Khasi female body. In some ways, the tables have turned- the subject of the photograph is no longer a perpetually-smiling chinky Khasi woman but an Indian man in the same exuberant, alienatingly alluring ethnic costume. Strangely, even now, I can’t really say whether this is the Khasis’ nightmare or wet-dream.

The feminization of the Indian man via the Khasi garment (traditionally worn by women) is used as a tool to ridicule and shame the ‘outsider.’ Yet, it is also a matter of the local tribal folks manipulating and exploiting the tourism industry, and the commodification of cultures and cultural materials, because hey, we can sell whatever the Indian tourist is willing to buy, and trust us, he would buy anything which exudes the aura of exotic tribalism. Often, this comes with a complete lack of knowledge or the complete lack of a desire to acquire knowledge of the various people and places he visits in Meghalaya. But wait, isn’t this just a probably unprecedented but almost natural repercussion of the grand endeavour called Meghalaya tourism?

We are all too well aware of how the tourism machine (with State and non-State actors) greatly relies on the power of imagined authenticity in their vile, yet economically successful representation of Khasi tribal living. When the gates of the North-East, particularly our state, were opened more generously about twenty years ago to ‘outsiders’ (Indians, non-Indians, Chinese goods, BSNL and such things), there emerged this newfound thirst to venture into the wild East and taste some greens (of course I also mean marijuana!), away from the dreadful comfort of dirty cities. Because, finally, the “disturbed” ungrateful child of the Indian nation could be the next LTC destination of central government employees from other parts of the country. The untamed and undigestible cow-eating belt could at last be consumed, visually, experientially and politically.

And so, lo and behold! A thousand and one resorts selling bad Chinese and aspiringly good Punjabi dishes are planted all over Meghalaya highways. Lays potato chips and Britannia biscuits are now almost organic parts of the state’s tourist experience. And why not? I suppose, American Onion goes well with a bottle of Bira, a lake-view and the fleeting soundscape of tribal tongues calling out to each other on some hill in the distance. Always, in the distance. And let’s not forget the transferring of this spiritually-cleansing immersion into savage realities onto screens. While the British put in letters to loved ones and the Crown the colourful human and natural landscape of the oriental hills, the Indian tourist in the 21st century floods Facebook and Instagram with the same, and in this case, showing the world how he has generously dared to allow the strange and beautiful tribal clothes to actually touch his skin. But let us not be too judgemental; after all, Khasi locals are tourists in their own home state too! The new high-resolution pictures of Khasis in ethnic attire on billboards, travel websites and magazines have inspired them so much that wedding videos from Jowai and Shillong are confused with tourism videos of Meghalaya Government; while we showcase to the world our aspiringly regal but sadly just ‘legal’ love, we also present the rapidly-disappearing green hills of the “Scotland of the East.”

So there you have it! Mission possible. The grip of the tourism machinery cannot be undermined. ‘Outsiders’ and ‘Insiders’ are both glued to the paradisical orgasmic notion of what and who Meghalaya is- not so much “the abode of clouds” as it is “the pristine abode of the mysterious, yet palatable tribal people”, now, with the addition of the aspiringly-Khasi Indian tourist.

How to identify an internet KHLAWAIT

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There are nationalist, there are racists, there are right wingers and there are these so called ” KHASI SONS OF THE SOIL” whom we term as INTERNET KHLAWAIT. Defined by Banpynskhemlang Majaw as:

Urban slang for a Khasi Son of the Soil who fights outsiders with his supreme (read retarded) writing skills but most of his work is confined to Facebook Xenophobic Groups. His favourite and the only phrase spelt correctly is ‘Para Ri’.

They are found in their natural habitats; Facebook, Whatsapp, twitter and sometimes, in you tube. They are always criticising everything that is not Khasi or written in Khasi along with other languages. Below are some of the traits of these INTERNET KHLAWAIT.

1) They use queer names on their facebook accounts some may use realistic Khasi names but would never be their real names. In short, they use fake profiles.

2) The constantly use words like INGKHONG SHYLLANGMAT, MENDIE RI, LANGIONG, BIAH PONGRAI, etc… at the drop of a hat when you don’t subscribe to their idea of patriotism.

3) They resort to personal abuse when they lose an arguement.

4) Their knowledge of history is limited to U Tirot Sing and Kiang Nongbah anything before or after is a myth to them.

5) They are a frustrated lot, always skulking and complaining, with high levels of mysogyny blaming Khasi women for the ills of the Khasi people, and usually citing the example of Tirot Sing’s Mother as a classic MENDIE RI.

6) Believes that the Khasi Culture has gone down and blames the women for it. ( Noting that most of these Khlawaits, don’t even know how to wear a Jaiñboh or Jaiñspong or had ever used one, They prefer western up to date fashinable clothing and complains when a woman does the same.)

7)Believes that the role of a Khasi woman is limited to the hearth and homes and that women in western dress who parties or smokes or drink is against Khasi culture, but they will send a FRENS REQUEST and asked them to EXCEPT (SIC). If the woman fails to EXCEPT (accept) They let loose a plethora of adjectives calling them KHUSBI, and the likes even to the extent of describing the condition of the woman’s particular part of the anatomy which he had never even seen.

8) These Khlawaits are sexually perverted and would troll any profile, illegaly download their photos or videos and post them on facebook, whatsapp or anywhere with a caption on the photo as being KHUSBI, TNGA MYNDER, or anything.

9)The lament on the loss of Khasi etiquettes (AKOR KHASI) but will not hesitate to use abusive words themselves and even curse the female family members like sister or mothers of those who disagree with them. And at the same time these so called KHLAWAIT sees women only as a sexual object and they will justify RAPING A WOMAN just because she is doing something which does not subscribe to their Ideas.

10) Harps on various Khasi organisations but are never an active member of any and will prefer to stay home and battle in facebook than actually roughing it outside with any organisations because, they are Anti-Dkhar, Anti- Indian only in the internet, but STILL NEEDS KAM SORKAR and would still fill the Nationality column as INDIAN. So active participation with these organisations like in a rally or a Hunger strike is a big NO NO ioh shu DUH KAM SORKAR EI LASHAI!.

U Soso Tham’s Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep

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Parents moralising to their children, demagogues exhorting the community to rise up, students sleepless at their mysteries, lovers whispering their communion, U Soso Tham‘s modern poetic reimagination of the Land of the Seven Huts haunts the cultural world of contemporary Khasi Jaintia Hills. Published in the waning years of British colonialism in 1935, Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep /  The Old Days of the Khasis was his Magnum Opus as they say. An epic length lamentation of loss of “Khasi culture”, Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep tried to figure out a future for the Khasi community caught between a colonial modernity and a revivalist imagination. When we heard that Dr. Janet Hujon had translated and annotated this classic of Khasi literature, we had to have it on RAIOT. We thank Janet for her permission for the local outing of her translations. To support her work, you can buy the hardcopy of the book from here.

Dr. Janet Hujon, was born in Shillong and did her Masters from North Eastern Hill University, Shillong. Her PhD is from University of London. She lives in the UK.

And yes, the copyright of the translation belongs to Janet Hujon, so ask before you steal.

Janet Hujon’s introduces her translation

Then will the rivers of our homeland tear the hills apart 1

The year is 1935. The event, at least for literature in Khasi, is momentous. A man diminutive in stature but with a voice that cradled the vast soul of his people had decided to do what he knew best. He completed a classic in Khasi literature and the Shillong Printing Works published The Old Days of the Khasis (Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep).2 Soso Tham came in from the wilderness to carve in words the identity of his people—he made us see, he made us hear, he made us feel and he made us fear.

In a land still under British rule this legendary schoolteacher expressed a weary frustration with the English texts he had taught his students year after year. He declared that from now on “he would do it himself”. And so he did. An oral culture for whom, in 1841, Thomas Jones of the Welsh Calvinist Methodist Mission had devised a script, now had a scribe whose work expresses a profound love for his homeland and an unwavering pride in the history of his tribe—a history kept alive in rituals and social customs and in fables and legends handed down by generations of storytellers.

Soso Tham refused to believe that a people with no evidence of a written history was without foundation or worth. He set out to compile in verse shared memories of the ancient past—ki sngi barim—presenting his people with their own mythology depicting a social and moral universe still relevant to the present day. For him the past is not a dark place but a source of Light, of Enlightenment. It may lie buried but it is not dead, and when discovered will provide the reason for its continued survival. Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep is the lyrical result of dedicated devotion. It is an account of how Seven Clans—U Hynñiew Trep—came down to live on this earth. Tham tells us how

Groups into a Nation grew
Words ripening to a mother tongue
Manifold adherents, one bonding Belief
Ceremonial dances, offerings of joy, united by a common weave,
Laws and customs slowly wrought
Bound this Homeland into one3

Not content to be the passive, unquestioning recipient of literary output and thought imposed by a foreign ruling power, Soso Tham decided to write in his native Khasi and about his own culture. Although he had embraced Christianity and imbibed Hellenic influences through his reading of English poetry, writing in Khasi expressed his resistance to the dominance of English—for surely, did not the Muse also dwell in his homeland? Creativity, he declared, is not the prerogative of any one culture. With the Himalayan foothills as a backdrop, winding rivers silvering the landscape, and hollows of clear pools and hillside springs, Tham points out that Khasis too have their own Bethel and Mount Parnassus and their own sources of inspiration from which to drink like Panora and Hippocrene in ancient Greece. His dalliance in the literature of distant lands had led him home.

But in throwing off his colonial yoke to mark out an independent path, Tham did so with no trace of chauvinism. His affinity with the Romantics cannot be ignored. While he worked on his articulation of a Khasi vision, Tham remained alive to the gentle unifying truths of human experience and this can be seen in his translations of William Wordsworth’s poems into Khasi.

For reasons of accessibility the nightingale (The Solitary Reaper) becomes the local “kaitor”,4 the violet (“Lucy”: She dwelt among the Untrodden Ways) becomes the “jami-iang”,5 and isn’t it just serendipitous that Wordsworth’s Cuckoo should so fit Soso Tham’s like a glove? This is because her call is heard in the Khasi Hills as it is in the Lake District. So when Tham addresses the bird as “queen of this land of peace” I feel he has not mistranslated the line “Or but a wandering voice?” but has chosen instead to give this spirit of the woods “a local habitation and a name”. The Khasification of the cuckoo is complete and a mutual recognition of the need to cherish what we have is established. Perhaps Wordsworth did us a favour, for without his poem Khasis may have never benefited from Tham’s translation thus opening our ears and hearts to this denizen haunting our woods.

Poignant sadness in the face of beauty lost or just out of reach, so moving in Keats’ Ode to a Nightingale, is also felt in Ki Sngi Barim: inevitable perhaps in a piece recalling the past amidst a perilous present. Keats is therefore a gentle presence in Tham’s work, for listen:

High on the pine the Kairiang sings6
About the old the long lost past,
Sweetness lies just out of reach
And such the songs I too will sing7

Stars of truth once shone upon
The darkness of our midnight world
Oh Da-ia-mon, Oh Pen of Gold
Put down all that there is to know
Awaken and illuminate
Before the dying of the light8

Furthermore, scenes from a Hellenic past in Keats’ Ode on a Grecian Urn dovetail neatly with the Khasi homeland where forces of nature each had their own deity. Ki Sngi Barim testifies to the ancient Khasi belief that the green hills, forests, valleys and tumbling waterfalls are guarded or haunted by their own patron deities and spirits. Reverence or fear has traditionally served to protect the natural world. Soso Tham himself might well have asked:

What leaf-fringed legend haunts about thy shape
Of deities of mortals or of both
In Tempe or the dales of Arcady?

With their own world of sacred ritual and sacrifice Khasis would also have understood:

Who are these coming to the sacrifice?
To what green altar, O mysterious priest
Lead’st thou that heifer lowing at the skies
And all her silken flanks with garlands drest?9

Discovering the resonances between the English literary canon and Khasi poetry has undoubtedly been a source of pleasure because for me they underline the human stories we all tell. But this was not necessarily Soso Tham’s intention. What he wanted to do was to correct a gross misconception that still scars and skews the way Khasis look at themselves vis-à-vis western culture. His aim was to rebuild and restore cultural pride. Recounting the carefully laid down rules of social conduct, the heated durbars where systems of governance were debated and established, and the fierce fighting spirit of fabled warriors, Tham challenges the derogatory labelling of his people as mere “collectors of heads” or “uncouth jungle dwellers” incapable of sensitive thought and action.

Once Great Minds did wrestle with thought
To strengthen the will, to toughen the nerve
Once too in parables they spoke they taught
In public durbar or round the family hearth
In search of a king, a being in whom
The hopes of all souls could blossom and fruit

and

Boundaries defined, rights respected
Trespass a taboo remaining unbroken
Equal all trade, fairness maintained
Comings and goings in sympathy in step
Welfare and woe of common concern
Concord’s dominion on the face of the earth10

What the poet constantly underlines is that a homeland and a way of life that has survived for centuries cannot be dismissed as insignificant—his ancestors were accurate readers of the writing on the land heeding the lessons and warnings inscribed on “wood and stone”.11 It is this wisdom that accounts for the continued existence of a unique people who, until relatively recently, lived life in tune with their natural surroundings and in sympathy with one another. This is why when Soso Tham renders in words the inspiring beauty of his homeland he does so with profound love and reverence, declaring with absolute conviction:

Look East, look West, look South, look North
A land beloved of the gods

With a pride so touching in its childlike certainty he expects no dissent when he asks:

Will the high Himalaya
Ever turn away from her
Pleasure garden, fruit and flower
Where young braves wander, maidens roam
Between the Rilang and Kupli12
This is the land they call their home13

To fully appreciate why Soso Tham is the voice of his people, one needs to know how Khasis respond to the world around them, and we must profoundly reflect upon this if we are to piece together again the shattered vessel of our cultural confidence. Here I recall what was for me a blinding flash in my understanding of the workings of my mother tongue. Years ago while we were travelling on the London Underground, my cousin made the following observation about an elevator carrying the city’s crowds. In Khasi she said: “Ni, sngap ba ka ud”. This would be the equivalent of saying: “Oh dear! Listen to her moan”. Simply because the old grimy elevator had been assigned the status of a human being and specifically that of a woman—“ka”—I immediately empathised with “her” suffering. In English the elevator would normally have been referred to as “it”, and I am convinced that my imaginative reaction to it would have been bland if not altogether non-existent.

On that day I rediscovered the creative roots of my mother tongue. I was reminded that not only do Khasis see living beings, natural forces and inanimate objects as either male or female, but they also endow them with human qualities and feelings. It is this innate poetic tendency that makes the world come alive for every Khasi and no one exemplifies this better than Soso Tham. So when he writes about the great storms that batter Sohra, we are left in no doubt that here we are dealing with a living breathing entity, human in essence but with far greater power to awe:

So the waterfalls threaten and the rivers they growl
They sink to the plains and they smother the reed
They banish wild boar who have ruled unopposed
For that is the way our mighty rains roll

Rivers turn to the left and advance on the right
They collide with and devour whatever’s in sight
Small islands appear as rice fields are sunk
The might of the Surma gives the Brahma a fright14

Tham’s words beat in time to the tempo of the natural world with which he so closely identifies, so that the storm lives through the poet and the poet lives through the storm. The poet is the storm. The vivid description provides an insight into what informs the hill person’s view of the natural world—this being the ability to respond with both awe and enthusiasm to the might and capriciousness of Nature. For a Khasi to underestimate the significance of perceiving, evaluating and identifying the effects of the natural world on them would be dangerous if not fatal. Yes we can delight in the Khasi flair for storytelling seen in Tham’s descriptions of gentle charm, sweeping majesty and lively engagement, but it is more important to heed the passages inspiring fearful dread. In a land burgeoning with promise and flowing with contentment the sonorous toll of doom is never ever totally muted. Then and even more so now that sense of foreboding cannot be ignored.

In the process of translating I came across the word “tluh” which Tham used in connection with his first poetic breakthrough when he was translating the English poem Drive the Nail Aright Boys into Khasi. I had to look up the word because it does not form part of my everyday use of Khasi. When I found out that “tluh” is “a tree—the fibres of which are used to make ropes, or improvise head-straps, strings”—I felt both enlightened and apprehensive. I felt enlightened because I realised that a whole world of Khasi knowledge and expertise lay in just that one word. But elation was soon replaced by dread.

In his book Wildwood: A Journey Through Trees Roger Deakin mourns the fact that “woods have been suppressed by motorways and the modern world, and have come to look like the subconscious of the landscape […] The enemies of woods”, he says, “are always the enemies of culture and humanity”15… and this is what made me apprehensive. Had I not come across the word “tluh”, I would never have discovered the world to which it refers. How much more do I not know? How much more have we lost? I therefore marvel not only at our poet’s appropriate choice of image but I also value the lesson he points us towards.

Today the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills form part of Meghalaya, a state in North-East India which came into being following local demand for the recognition of a strongly felt tribal identity. But it is clearly evident that long before this overt political step was taken Soso Tham had already addressed the question of identity, carrying with it that sense of rootlessness deeply embedded in the Khasi psyche, a raw wound sensitive to the reminder that “the Other” whom we have encountered in our recorded history has invariably been certain of his or her historical beginnings. This, I feel, accounts for the leitmotif of sadness running through Khasi literary and musical compositions, and the numerous nuanced terms for sadness and regret. Tham speaks for so many when he asks:

Tell me children of the breaking dawn
Mother-kite, mother-crow,
You who circle round the world
Where the soil from which we sprang?
For if I could, like you I’d drift
Down the ends of twelve-year roads!16

Ki Sngi Barim is both a love letter to his homeland and a troubled and troubling exploration of what makes and sustains that fragile sense of self. He sees the battle for identity being waged on two fronts—against the enemy without and the enemy within. A reading of the work reveals in no uncertain terms that Tham fears the enemy within more than he does the foe without. Tragically this is still the case today. Mineral-rich Meghalaya with its dense forest cover is now a treasure trove being exploited by the rapacious few using tribal “rights” over the land as justification for their actions:

Man’s greed is now a gluttonous sow
(A pouch engorged about to rip)17

Ki Sngi Barim is trenchant social critique told through a trajectory of spiritual questing. Through the converging prisms of Khasi myth and religion, Tham tells the universal story of temptation and man’s fall from grace. But despite the poet’s despair hope is never totally lost, for the narrative journeys towards the possibility of rejuvenation as we see in the final section Ka Aïom Ksiar (Season of Gold):

The Peacock will dance when the Sun returns18
And she will bathe in the Rupatylli19
O Rivers Rilang, Umiam and Kupli20
Sweet songs in you will move inspire
Land of Nine Roads, pathways of promise21
Where the Mole will strum, the Owl will dance22

Spellbound by the beauty of his homeland, the poet steadfastly holds on to his belief that the land that he fiercely cherishes and that inspires his art will once again be a spring of renewal and creativity. Whatever else this translation may achieve, my hope is that the powerful life of an old tradition will reawaken so that when we read we will hear:

The crash of rivers, the thunder of waterfalls
In the Khasi minstrel’s reed-piped-ears
Where tumult is hushed and silence then ripples
To the furthest brink of infinite time23
Perhaps the human voice will once again reassert its power to empower and change:
Then once again will forests roar
And stones long still shake to the core24

A short guide to Khasi origin tales

Long, long ago before anyone can remember, there was a Time we now call the Ancient Past. She holds and protects all the days that once were young but have now grown old, that once were new, but now have aged. No one has ever seen her, but we all know her. Khasis call her Myndai or Ki Sngi Barim—the days that make up Time long gone.

In that Time lived peace and harmony guarded by the Seven Families, who, in answer to the prayers of the Great Spirit of Earth, Ka Ramew, were sent down by God to care for all living creatures and forces—rivers, trees, animals, flowers, fruit. From their grass-thatched homes (Ki Trep) the Seven (Hynñiew) went forth, increased and multiplied. These Seven Families are the first clans, the mothers and fathers of all Khasis today. They are the Hynñiew Trep.

Although they lived on earth, the Hynñiew Trep were able to visit the other Nine Clans who still lived in Heaven. They could do this because there was a Golden Ladder bridging the space between heaven and earth. This ladder was on the sacred mountain—U Lum Sohpet Bneng—a mountain that stood at the centre of the world and was therefore known as the navel of heaven—u sohpet. The Golden Ladder was the umbilical cord linking terrestrial beings to their celestial beginnings.

So for a time all on earth was as God had ordained until the Seven Clans forgot their duty to their Creator and to one another—to Tip Blei, Tip Briew—to know and honour God and each other. Swallowed by Greed they were reborn as creatures who no longer saw with the eyes of contentment. They no longer revered the might of the great mountains and waterways that protected and fed the green world they lived in. They feverishly took from the earth, refusing to listen to her cries of protest. Finally, exhausted, the earth fell silent.

God looked down in despair at his chosen people. Custodians appointed to care for creation had broken their word. Anger grew in his heart. He turned his face away and destroyed the Golden Ladder. From that day onwards the Hynñiew Trep never again knew the freedom of being allowed to walk in heaven.

Their misfortune increased when a monstrous tree—the Diengïei—began to push its way through the soil. The tree grew and grew until its branches covered the face of the earth: a canopy so dense that not even the strength of the sun’s rays could push through. The land lay dying yet the Diengïei kept growing. Stricken with terror the people seized their blades and axes and began to hack at the solid trunk. They knew that without light they too would die. Every evening they returned to their homes having left a gaping wound in the trunk and always determined to return the next day to finish their task. But each morning they returned to find the wound had healed. The trunk looked as good as new. What was going on?

Worn out and weary in spirit the people looked at each other in despair. Then suddenly in the silence they heard the voice of the Phreit, a tiny wren-like creature—“If you promise to spare me some grain after every harvest, I will tell you why all your efforts are in vain.” At first the people refused to believe her, but seeing no other explanation for this mystery, they agreed to grant the little bird’s request. “From this day onwards” they said, “You and all your descendants will always have a share of our harvest.”

And this is what the Phreit told them: “Every night after you return to your homes, the Tiger arrives and licks the cut clean. By morning the tree is renewed and the gash is sealed. So no matter how hard you hack you will not be able to fell the Diengïei.” The words of the little bird plunged the people into an even deeper darkness. Then she spoke again: “But I know a way out of this.” Immediately they looked up. “Tell us,” they implored, “Tell us little bird!” “This is what you must do. This evening, before you go home, leave an axe in the wound of the tree. Make sure the blade is facing outwards”. The people did as they were told. In the morning they returned to find a blood-stained blade and the tree unhealed. It was not long before the mighty Diengïei came crashing down. Light and life returned to earth and the people remembered to keep their promise to the Phreit.

But one day darkness once again returned to the earth and this is how it happened:

For a while the people remembered their suffering. They kept the laws and looked out for each other. With the return of peace and harmony they decided to celebrate life in a dance to which the Sun, her brother the Moon, and all living creatures on earth were invited. Arriving late after her day’s work, the Sun abandoned herself to the happiness of the moment as she danced with her brother in an arena by now emptied of all other dancers.

Suddenly a hum like the moaning of bees and wasps rose into the air: murmurs of disapproval from the crowd that watched the siblings move in absolute surrender to the joyous freedom of the dance. Doubts darkened the onlookers’ minds—should a brother and sister move together in such blatant unison? Had they broken the most sacred of all taboos? The clamour grew louder and finally became so unbearable that the Sun decided to leave, but not before she had vented her rage on the crowd for their harsh and hurtful words. “Never again”, she said, “will I bring you my blessings of warmth and light.” With those ominous words hanging in the air she left and plunged into a deep dark cave—Ka Krem Lamet Ka Krem Latang. Because the people saw evil where there was only joy and shame where it did not exist, they were punished. And once again human beings had to look for a way out of Darkness and into Light.

Time became an unending stretch of all-enveloping night in which the people were lost. Filled with remorse they pleaded with the Sun but she refused to emerge. Who could they find to placate the enraged Sun? Then Hope came in the form of the lowly Rooster—an unadorned creature who hid in shame from other living beings. If the people draped him in beautiful silks, he said, he would feel confident enough to stand before the nurturer of life and bow before her flaming throne to plead their cause. The people agreed. He was garbed in the finest and richest of silks—the fabric reserved for the rich and for royalty. When they had finished he had been transformed. Turquoise melted into the dark blue of night. Carmine, terracotta and gold fired the gloss of darkness while grey and white flowed in gentle stripes. And as the ultimate mark of distinction a red crest was placed on his head. Before them stood a prince!

He set off on his long journey. Often he took shelter and rested in the branches of the rubber tree and the venerable oak. Finally he arrived at the entrance of the Krem Lamet and in his many-splendoured robes he faced the Sun. With a voice clear and true he said: “I stand here before you O Great Being to seek your forgiveness for a people who now know they acted in ignorance and have repented. I have come here to offer my life in exchange for their freedom from this punishment. Return to their midst, Great One, restore light to their lives.” Moved by his simple request and selflessness, the Sun not only relented but also spared the Rooster’s life.

The Rooster bowed in humble thanksgiving and said: “From now on, O Great Being, I will remind myself and the world of the mercy you have shown us. At the beginning of each day I will announce your coming with a bugle of three calls so that all living creatures will know you have returned in order that the earth might live.”

As a token of remembrance for the kindness shown to the Rooster by the rubber tree, the oak, and the leaf (Lamet), these three are always included in Khasi rituals, commemorating forever the significance of Gratitude and Memory in the lives of the Khasis.

KI SNGI BARIM U HYNÑIEW TREP

1. Ki Symboh Ksiar / Grains of Gold

The opening lines of Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep explain why Soso Tham decided to compose his magnum opus. Saddened by the fact that his people continued to look elsewhere for inspiration while failing to appreciate the cultural wealth into which they are born, he set out to reclaim and record the past—ki sngi barim—that survives in myth. He tells of a time now lost to us when the Khasi and Pnar people, who call themselves U Hynñiew Trep, came to be here on earth. This is the “Once upon a time” section of that story referring to legends and tales told and shared, of a common heritage of the imagination that has held a people together.

 

Know not the light within our land
How long ago far back in time
Our ancients did new worlds create
For then the Seven lived apart
Impenetrable heavy was the dark

Among the Stars the Sun and Moon
On hills and forests, spirits roamed,
Man and Beast, the Tiger, Thlen[1]
United by a common tongue
Before the grim macabre took hold
They worshipped then the One True God

The Spoken Word was then revered
The humble Phreit[2] was honoured, fed,
Hard they toiled from dawn to dusk
Knowledge cached within the womb[3]
From where our legends sprang to life
And wingéd sprites sung into being

Of signs and symbols some did speak,
“From here,” some said, “Came forth the Thlen;”
“Sin and Taboo? Whence that flood?”
“From here”, they cried, “From Lum Diengïei:”[4]
But of the One, no one had doubts
Why He was called “U Sohpet Bneng[5]

Of God and Sin, so too of Truth
In parables as one they spoke
Old voices tell of visions draped
By Ka Rngai[6] for all mankind
Some stars live on in scattered gardens
The rest have drowned in forests deep

To banish Sin, to bear the yoke
In the Sacred Cave[7] far back in time
The fearless Cockerel rose upright
“I wait the word from God above.”
A Creed was born—its rites revered
By children of the Hynñiew Trep

Tears from a mother’s pain-wracked heart
Shadow the bier which bears her son,
Fingers strum, recall the tale
The legend of the noble Stag
The rusted Arrow piercing deep
The rushing flood of bitter tears[8]

Signs once clear on boulder rock
Remain unread, obscured, weed-choked,
Where Orators Thinkers once declaimed
Spoke in tongue unknown to us,
Yet hilltop stark and sheltered shade
Wood and Stone still speak to man

Ancient race—Khasi and Pnar
Ranged across the earth’s arm span
Hidden light waits to be found
In modest thatch and humble roost
To help us peel, push back the dark
Restore the light from days of old

Around the world we search for Light
Yet scorn the light that shines at home
The glorious past will dawn again
When seams of lustre-lost we mine
The seed of light his vibrant root
Into the Past he pierces deep

Gleam of sky on rock we’ll see
When sun-showers stop and fade away
Dark dense clouds retreat in fear
As the rainbow rises in the sky;
Libations pour, O Golden Pen
Emblazon with colour the blinding dark!

—–

[1] The Giant Snake which promised wealth to his worshippers, and had to be kept happy by human sacrifices.

[2] Munia, Spotted Munia, Red Munia etc. A little wren-like bird, which helped mankind.

[3] Khasis believe they lost their script in a great flood. The Khasi thought his precious script would be safe in his mouth but he swallowed it as he battled the raging waters.

[4] The hill on which stood the monstrous tree (Ka Diengïei) that covered the earth—a sign of God’s displeasure

[5] “The Navel of Heaven”

[6] “Ka” denotes the feminine (as “U” denotes the masculine). “Rngai” is a word with shadowy connotations pointing to spectres, phantoms, the unreal yet powerfully real in the potency of its effect. So here “Ka Rngai” is a powerful female force.

[7] The sacred cave into which the sun retreated, angered by the aspersions cast on her by those who attended the Dance of Thanksgiving

[8] This is a reference to what is known as “The Khasi Lament”—a song of grief pouring out from a mother’s heart when she discovers the body of her wayward son who, against her wishes, had strayed too far from home. He dies from the wound inflicted by an arrow. Archery is still a common pastime in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills where the Khasi and Pnar (Jaiñtia) people live.

 

2. Ka Persyntiew / The Flower Garden

Evocative of Eden, this section describes the haunting beauty of Tham’s homeland. Although the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills have been plundered for their forest and mineral wealth there still remain large tracts that are heartbreakingly beautiful, able to stir wonder today as they did in the distant past. That poignant longing for what once was is as acute now as it was when Soso Tham composed his masterpiece.

On bracing hillcrests, shielded lee
Refreshed I walk, alone reflect
Upon my homeland’s darkened heart,
Then under every thatch I find
Scattered grains of thought profound
Alive in pools of haunting tears

Golden grains forgotten old
Abandoned random still remain
As when in fresh fields left behind
Rice potato millet yam
Each with a bygone tale to tell
Of what was sown, of what has been

The bird still calls within the wood
The kite she casts her eye afar
Melodies I weave to make a song.
Swift I turn in an eye’s quick blink
To shake awake from biers extinct
The Ancient Past of the Hynñiew Trep

Once this land was still untouched
Unpeopled empty pristine void
Then the Seven first came down
To loosen the soil, to plough the land,
Filling gardens with flowers, orchards with fruit
A land where the human race could thrive

To far-flung corners soon they spread
Their yield increased their harvests rich
Fruit plantations, betel groves[1]
Grains of gold strung to adorn.
The wilderness rumbled, boulders crashed
Tumult echoed, shook the land

Groups into a Nation grew
Words ripening to a mother tongue
Manifold adherents, one bonding Belief
Ceremonial dances, offerings of joy, united by a common weave,
Laws and customs slowly wrought
Bound this Homeland into one

The world was then a different place
Birds soared freely, beasts at peace
Out in the open or concealed from sight
Flowers with ease communed with man,
Submerged beneath the tangle-weed
Thirty-thoughts-have-sprung-from-two… where quiet blooms U Tiew Dohmaw[2] 

Peacocks danced with wild abandon
Wild boar rolled in cooling mud
In deep dark pools Sher[3] supple dart
Under sheltering fern the doe lies quiet
The courting call of U Rynniaw[4]
Lulled nodding monkey, capped langur

Grazing stags on tender green
Sleeping tigers in the gloom
Cooling hills warm days just right
While wild nymphs splash in waterfalls.
Look East, look West, look South, look North
A land beloved of the gods

High on the pine the Kairiang[5] sings
About the old the long lost past,
Sweetness lies just out of reach
And such the songs I too will sing.
Then once again will forests roar
And stones long still shake to the core

Will the high Himalaya
Ever turn away from her
Pleasure garden, fruit and flower
Where young braves wander, maidens roam
Between the Rilang and Kupli[6]
This is the land they call their home.

 —–

[1] The betel nut is central to Khasi social and religious culture. The serving and chewing of betel/areca nuts (kwai) along with a betel leaf of the Piperaceae family (tympew) and a dab of slaked lime (shun) is never absent from a Khasi home, so much so that a folk tale grew around a tragic friendship involving the three. See Bijoya Sawian, ‘How Paan Came Into Existence’, in her Khasi Myths, Legends and Folk Tales (Shillong: Ri Khasi Press, 2006), pp. 12–14.

[2] Anoectochilus brevilabris belongs to the group of Jewel Orchids. Tiew Dohmaw literally means the flower which kisses the stone. This tiny flower, with its velvety leaves, blooms against boulders and rocks in the Khasi Hills, usually halfway up a gorge—hence it is not often easily visible. The sight of such vulnerable beauty, of fragile softness against enduring hardness, inspires the poet to contemplate this natural phenomenon. Hence “Thirty-thoughts-have-sprung-from-two”. Man and plant commune in silence.

[3] Lepidocephalichthys guntea. A small fish found in streams and in paddy fields. The full name in Khasi is “shersyngkai”—I have used the shortened version. Syngkai means waist, so the name evokes the supple twisting movements made by these fish as they twist and dart in the water.

[4] Greater Racket-Tailed Drongo. In a folktale he is cast as King of the Kingdom of Shade and falls in love with Ka Sohlygngem (Ashy Wood Pigeon) whose parents warn her against marrying a rich man. Unwilling to cause her parents any more grief, the selfless leaves and flies away. Even today the cries of the haunt the forest shade as she searches for her lost love.

[5] Chestnut-backed laughing thrush now endangered, but once common in Sohra, where Soso Tham was born

[6] The names of rivers in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills respectively

 

3. Pyrthei Mariang / The Natural World

The natural descriptions here are just as beautiful as in the preceding section but the poignancy is sharpened because they are set down in a mood of sad recollection. This is why the poet begins this section with a plea for inspiration as he seeks to fulfill his task of restoring the wonder and virtues of the past. This long look into the past from a present that is found to be wanting, creates a seam of tender pain which runs right though the composition springing from the tension that exists between what was, what is and what still might be. This in fact is a feature of a composition illustrating how the past, the present and the future coexist in a relationship of troubling unease. The poet goes in search of U Sohpet Beneng who represents the now severed umbilical cord that once linked Heaven and Earth and is “the He whom I love” now lost to humankind. U Sohpet Beneng is thus shown to be the mediator between God and Man.

Stars of truth once shone upon
The darkness of our midnight world
Oh Da-iamon, Oh Pen of Gold[1]
Put down all that there is to know
Awaken and illuminate
Before the dying of the light

O lift the gloom and lead me on
Away from shadows cast by trees,
Along the paths of silver streams
Draughts of wind-fresh I will drink
On cascade summit, abyss verge,
Oh where is He, He whom I love![2]

Gradual was the dawn of light
In that age of innocence
Truth seeped slowly through our ears
Those echo-chambers built of stone
Scenic splendour in the sky
We took our time to see the sun

Roused by gentle springtime winds
The sun begins her journey down
Footprints green she leaves behind
In open fields and hidden shade
Life was pure, we were held safe
As children in our parents’ laps

Just before the Autumn calls
Insects, birds break into song
Steeped in joy the land, the living
And tranquil rests the mind of man
Then surged that flow of gold-glint tears
Its headspring though… he could not find

Perhaps the Spirit Queen of Earth
Sees with vision bright and true
How stars from teardrops congregate
In waters of an endless ocean.
Into the Garden, God steps down
Beguiling time away with man[3]

On distant peaks they linger
Those children of the gods
Their eyes rest soft on earth’s great rivers
As they listen to the Riyar’s song[4]
Peace contentment reigned supreme
Before the Heavenly Cord was cleaved[5]

Our streams and rivers flowed along
Well-traced paths on boulder rock
So too the Golden Ladder scaled
Movement safe from dawn to dusk
Night a time of sound repose
Day was mother to a virtuous race

Under a roof soot-sodden thick
Night plucks the strings—kynting-ting-ting
A blush burns deep on a girlish cheek
Intense the gaze of the perfect moon[6]
Dried fish and rice my mother served
What joy replete in humble fare

Slander shunned, deceit abhorred
Truth in its prime stood resolute
The skies a clear cerulean blue,
Gently passed that time of gold
When those who trod the skin of earth
Were all held fast in God’s embrace

Then the land was free of taint
In sun-brief moments ripening swift,
And there amidst the blossom, fruit
The faces of young maidens, men;
If there be other wondrous lands
To them O then do let me fly!

—–

[1] Khasi pronunciation of the word “diamond” which I have retained to sustain the rhythm.

[2] From the point of view of those who retain the indigenous faith, this is a reference to a Saviour who will restore the Golden Ladder between Heaven and Earth. From the point of the Christian Khasi this is a reference to Christ. Soso Tham was a devout Christian.

[3] An approximate translation of the Khasi expression “ïaid kai”. The adverb “kai” suggests a mood that has no single English word as an equivalent and yet is very much a part of Khasi identity, and it concerns me that in a world fixated on status and material success, we might be losing this trait. We have banished ourselves from Eden to enter the rat race whatever the cost. “Kai” possesses a sense of pleasurable purposelessness. “Ïaid kai” (rambling, strolling in the manner of a flaneur); “shongkai” (sit around), “peitkai” (just looking), “leitkai” (a leisurely outing) and so on. Perhaps “hanging out” or “chill” best approaches the feeling contained in the word although both these words indicate an attitude that involves premeditation or conscious choice and therefore do not possess the relaxed spontaneity of the easy going “kai” which has a connotation of freedom to roam, to look, to relax—“for free”—in a world that is not bound by the demands of time. Even the act of voicing the gliding diphthong “ai” is a long drawn out process expanding time and gently seductive. So the fact that God came down to “ïaid kai” in this plausible Eden in the Khasi hills underlines a sympathy for natural harmony that permeates our being and I hope will not be totally erased from our troubled state gripped by the tightening coils of corruption vividly described in Ki Sngi Barim for yes, as in the Biblical Eden, Tham’s Ka Persyntiew (The Flower Garden) also shelters a dangerous embodiment of evil—the serpent.

[4] A songbird in the Sohra region.

[5] when the Golden Ladder between heaven and earth was cut.

[6] No matter that the Moon is male in Khasi, the beauty of this heavenly body is celebrated as in other cultures. A handsome young man is compared to a perfect moon who has bloomed for fourteen midnights.

 

4. U Lyoh / The Cloud

This is the point to which the preceding sections have been journeying. Here we come upon an utterly bleak apocalyptic scene which Soso Tham fears will replace the green fecundity and harmony of his homeland if Khasis betray the Laws and Truths with which they came into this world. Soso Tham’s dramatic description of opportunist worshippers of Mammon is as accurate today as it was then. Imagery from the natural world and Khasi myth powerfully portray the dysfunctional hell to which we are going to descend as a people who are powerless to resist the temptation of worldly wealth. The poet had good reason to be fearful. Evident today are plundered forests, rivers poisoned by the unscientific extraction of coal, exhaustive sand and limestone mining, and hills bulldozed out of shape to create highways to “development” and wealth for a few—the list continues to grow.

Free of want once lived our children
Before the ox betrayed his Maker[1]
Fruit ripened red, stalks fleshed with grain,
Each day brim-filled, each palm grain-full
Daylight hours of peaceful toil
Before the virtuous took flight

Courteous speech well-learnt, well-honed
Advice on restless sleep unknown
Laughter rippled, gentle ease
Beneath the solace-shade of trees,
But far away the Eagle King
Saw signs of disquiet, portents of unease

Before the Diengïei’s cover spread
Moves with stealth the reprobate
Slowly climbs the threatening cloud
Thickening smoke from pyres untended
Obscured the sun from mountain peaks
A tribe abandoned by their God

A swarm of bees without a queen
Wandering, lost, directionless
Criss-crossing blind through open skies, stumbling into thickets deep
Nine remain in the House of God
Dispersed on earth were the Hynñiew Trep
From heaven estranged—U Sohpet Bneng slashed

As he swims through earth’s dark waters
Man sinks down to unplumbed depths
To black-hole dread in no-end caves
To deserts parched and wetlands rich
As far as Nine Infernal Tiers
Where all alone he seeks to feel… the spasms of a wished-for birth[2]

The serpent’s lair within a cave
Its blackness heavy with his stench,
Below—the coils of languorous power
Above stands She!—The Mother of the Thlen.
Just such a nest is the human heart
A place where Evil lays her eggs

God looks down and shakes his head
Sees toads and frogs eat Suns and Moons[3]
Humped dwarves, Scorpions, Snakes
Infinite hordes defying count
The Age of Purity has lost her throne
Triumphant the Pasha of the Enslaved

His eyes shut-blind seamed tight with pus, his ears no longer can they hear
His children dulled by blunted thought
For Darkness is Queen, and Ignorance rules
Fear and Unease their subjects now,
So wonder not if we should find
Devils mingling with mankind

All that remains is barren rock, fertility long since washed away
Settlers, settlements ruined destroyed
The pleasure garden once so loved
Forsaken now, she’s left bereft,
Days of peace must surely end
When the dark cloud drops and shrouds the light

Slow inch by inch the toad consumes
The sun gripped tight in her clamping jaws
While poverty, hunger, suffering, woe
Hereditary taint suck clean away… the marrow from the land.
In under-floor gloom a seed once thrived
Why now is it pale yellow in the dark?

Infernal beings deprived of sight
Collide and stumble, trample all
The race, the clan begins to shrink
The face made foul by ugliness
With honour dying in the heart
The face has lost its source of light

And will so appear forever more
For the indwelling Soul has taken flight.[4]
The blacksmith’s wares in full display
But was hammer-strike on anvil heard?
In murky gloom among the rafters, the intruder waits for night to fall
Is there a being more sinister than he hell-bent on chicanery?

Broodings foul of ill intent
Increase in strength, convene within
For verily now they are “the gods”,
Where hides the Queen[5] of the floundering bee
As sightless now he gropes his way
In a frenzied search for the Goddess Wealth
She who flies through cave and crevice
Rustling through unsightly weeds.
To cities, plains and borderlands[6]
Where man has journeyed to earn a living
Seeking out sustaining grain
Rice the lure, the face assumed by the Goddess Wealth[7]

No longer then can we discern
Waving palms above Mawïew gorge[8]
The rising fog has brought its blight
Withering our sense of shame, of right,
Are there voids of darker menace
Than those we call the human heart?

White ants that fly through air and light
Did once emerge from the termite’s hole
Like fiendish scourge of hornet, wasp
Who from dark places emigrate,
But Integrity and Honour shun the confines
Of Pandemonium’s night[9]

For a fistful of silver men sink their teeth
Tight the clench, unrelenting the grip
Like Mighty Mammon defeated bowed
All are seduced by the Goddess Fair
From heavenly highways lined with gold
To buried seams in Hell’s Nine Tiers

Silver cowries Her brilliant lenses[10]
She blinds the tempted with her dazzling vision
Tapestry threads of tortured logic
Which the gold? Which twist the maggot?
For Falsehood’s stature to command respect
She rips the mote from the eye of Truth

“Timidity hobbles adventure”, so we are told
Yet renegades run riot respecting no bounds
Hills avalanche, waterholes seethe
“Heat scorches advance, cold freezes retreat”
Rulings judgements exchanges intense
All blinded by the silver slime

The scion dines with rival groups
Purse strings hang lax, no taboo restrains
Where dissension prevails and discord persists
It is there that he seeks to add weight to his gold
While Truth has her abode in the City of God
On the skin of the earth untouched by shame, blatantly bulges the purse of man[11]

Man’s greed is now a gluttonous sow
(A pouch engorged about to rip)
A flatterer adept at placating egos
Swelling the hide of the sun-eating toad[12]
And when like a leech she measures each step
Souls shrivelled by fear stand mutely and watch

The Silver Cowrie is armed with teeth
His grip a vice, does not let go,
A watchful kite who circles slow
A wasp unhurried for he knows… a bite at a time is all he needs[13]
And as tiger fierce or the great She-bear
What monstrous acts could he then perform?

When man becomes a being from Hell
Sustaining blood from there will flow
Vindications produced to bludgeon, stun
Dry lightning leaps in blinding red
Thunder bolts aim to pierce the joints
Triggering tumult in the nerves

Goodness stunted, Evil monstrous
Broken the laws of God and Man
Old voices say a time will come
When Man will swim in the ox’s mire
And scale the tops of pepper plants[14]
The Silver Cowrie is the Thlen

Greed’s a chasm like the Mawïew ravine
A depth no one can hope to fill
Yet he who endures, strives to hold on
In whom the will to good remains
To him the vision will be tendered
Of wind-stirred palms above Mawïew gorge

Thus as he journeys round the world
Man sinks and drowns in waters dark
His face begins to dim and darken
The rising smoke it thickens chokes
Though many a voyager may stay afloat
Far, far away let me escape!

—–

[1] A reference to the folktale where the ox lost his upper teeth for not carrying out God’s explicit instructions warning human beings not to be wasteful with their natural resources, more specifically asking them to cook only the required amount of rice so there is nothing left to throw out. On his way to deliver his message to mankind, the ox was plagued by insect bites, an agony finally relieved by a crow alighting on his back to peck and devour the irritants. But hearing about the message the ox had to deliver, the crow was alarmed for she feared her tribe would lose a source of food in the form of rice offerings left at cremation grounds for departed souls. So she persuaded the ox not to carry out God’s bidding. Grateful to the crow the ox agreed. But God was enraged when he found out that the ox had disobeyed, and struck the ox a huge blow knocking out all his upper teeth.

[2] To give birth to and thus jettison the evil he carries within himself and thus be born anew. Or, to give birth to the Knowledge symbolised by the script he had swallowed and lost in the Great Flood.

[3] This is a reference to the old Khasi explanation for an eclipse. Khasis believed the phenomenon was caused by a giant toad or frog in the sky swallowing the sun and moon.

[4] “indwelling soul” is my equivalent of the phrase “ka Rngiew”, different from U Rngiew, the embodiment of evil in Chapter 8. The word/concept is difficult to translate. It is sometimes likened to an aura or compared to the Greek psyche meaning “soul” or “spirit”. Khasis believe that every person is endowed with a vital life force that waxes and wanes in strength. It is this invisible essence which the onlooker senses, and then accordingly tenders respect or heaps derision.

[5] Soso Tham uses the word Kyiaw (Mother-in-law) but I have used Queen as that more accurately aligns with an English sense of what the poet is trying to convey. To a Khasi kyiaw would make sense from the point of view of the social custom where once married the man leaves his maternal home and becomes part of his kyiaw’s home, where she is traditionally revered as the caring queen of the family.

[6] This is the area known as Lyngngam in the South West Khasi hills where the people, also known as the Lyngngam, are of mixed Khasi and Garo ancestry. Garo is a language of Tibeto-Burman origin while Khasi belongs to the Mon-Khmer family of languages. Soso Tham does use the word Lyngngam, but to maintain the rhythmic pace of the line and to convey the connotation of the word Lyngngam, I have used “borderlands”.

[7] To the Khasi there cannot be any substitute for rice as a food staple. A person who goes out to earn their living to feed the family is one who goes in search of rice—the only grain that can provide sustenance and satisfaction!

[8] A ravine near Sohra so deep that filling it with soil would be a nigh impossible feat. See also the penultimate stanza in this section where man’s greed is compared to “a Mawïew gorge” that cannot be filled.

[9] Milton’s Paradise Lost made a deep impression on Soso Tham.

[10] The Khasis once used cowrie shells as currency in trading activities.

[11] Through sheer chance I discovered that the Khasi word pdok has two meanings—the gall bladder and a purse. Maybe it has more? So another possible translation of this line could well be: “Man’s gall exposed on the skin of the earth”. I feel both meanings of the word “gall” feed into Soso Tham’s use of the word as conveying a totality of experience which accounts for the darkness enveloping the poet’s soul and contributing to his sense of foreboding.

[12] This line vividly conveys the image of uncontrollable greed, especially if one compares the size of the toad to that of the sun.

[13] Having watched the steady, repetitious, robotic up-and-down movement of a wasp’s head as it chews wood to build a nest, I appreciate the economy of Khasi as a language, for the phrase “roit roit” which Tham uses to describe this process is all that is needed to convey to the Khasi reader or listener the entire concept and rhythm of the wasp’s single-minded attention to his task. In English however I have had to use more than two words to convey this effect.

[14] Lines 4–5 in this stanza refer to the Khasi’s deep belief that the only wealth which matters is that of the spirit. Any neglect or violation of this cherished belief diminishes human stature to such an extent that it is possible for a man to metaphorically swim in water-hollows created by the hoof prints of cattle, or enable him to clamber easily to the top of slender chili plants. A reliable source, Bah Khongsit (see Acknowledgements) however also informed me that his father used to grow chili pepper plants which had thick roots and sturdy stems. These were vastly different from the slender chili-pepper plants familiar to most of us. Apparently it was possible to lean against these robust plants without the plant bending under pressure.

 

5. U Rngiew / The Dark One[1]

Scenes from myth along with multiple images of terror and menace are used to describe how the twisted nature of evil wreaks moral havoc. Here is a place that is dark and forbidding where the deadening sense of miasmic heat and torpor is inescapable. Images of sick elephants tottering helplessly into murky swamps and serpents coiling around every tree add to the atmosphere of malaise and prowling treachery. Nightmares peopling the Khasi imagination are given free rein, like the pursuing “hounds released by their Mother Fear”. The ruling deity and embodiment of all evil is The Dark One—U Rngiew—shape-shifter par excellence possessing the ability to lure and entrap.

Far from the city where humans dwell
A forest grows where the Dark One lives
Here the face of the Moon is dark
Here the eyes of the owl burn bright
Eternal are the clouds that shroud
This hometown of the Nongshohnoh[2]

Here it was since Time began
That Evil came to dam a swamp
In tottered elephants seizured, sick
Darkly heaved the ponderous ooze
With kindling from Satanic Fires[3]
The prowler lights his furtive path

A squelchy mire which smoke calls home
Where toxic fumes douse glowing fires
Here one finds there’s no escape
From the dragging-down oppressive heat
Indecision with her lonely face
Has feet imprisoned in the clay

Everywhere the air reeks stench
Serpents wrapped round every tree
In every chasm every gulf
Evil’s jaw a trap full primed
Oh you who throng the vault of heaven… listen feel and wonder why
An uproar churns in Earth’s dark belly

Feline offspring his face soot-black, knocks and begs from door to door,
Shape-shifter from the Hill of Death
A stag one moment, a tiger the next
Stampedes wild bison which scatter confused,
A goddess at times, a monster at others
The day before a strand of pearls, today a serpent’s coil

Hound with flung-bone pinion in his throat
Transforms with ease to a docile lamb
His coat is soft… so tender-soft
His words beguiling gentle flow
Yet herded to the pen at dusk
Straight he streaks to the deepest cave

The Rakot’s bones hard limestone layers
Her blood congealed to coal,
Khyrwang-draped U Ramshandi,[4]
His mighty club heaves to anoint
Head over heels his victims roll
Roars the abyss in vast applause!

A black wind rises in the forest
With every breath of the Serpent King
From shadow worlds he drags down low
Ka Shritin-tin, Ka Mistidian
Along with seizure-blighted vultures
Oh what these spectres! Ram Thakur![5]

Meanwhile Ka Lapubon, Lotikoina
Sing their spells in the dead of night
Release caged torment long confined
In the prison owned by the King of Death,
Words they use to hook to bait
Nine times over Truth is twisted, turning cartwheels without end

An unblemished Name is a mighty shield
Protects the unkempt destitute[6]
“God of Truth”—“The Nine Above”
“The Words of Those Who Came Before”,[7]
While God calls man to heaven above
U Rngiew drags him down to Hell’s Nine Tiers

Rogue elephant U Pablei Lawbah,[8]
Trumpets long from forest fringes
The untouched beauty of the moon
Forever bruised and blemished since
The medium’s speech a bewildering babble
Forked the tongue of this Red-Crested One

Towards him sludges the Umsohsun[9]
Turbid with the rush of rot
The human face tough-skinned, dull-browed
A mask for evil locked within
The red-headed god lifts to his lips
A lavish feast of toads and frogs

The nine clear springs will soon run dry[10]
And so will haunting pools of tears
Demonic howls will rent the skies
A clamorous din will swell the earth,
When man ingests all that he can
That day will be his last on earth

Kyllang, Symper of might profound[11]
Will either drown or float away
The hardest flint of stubborn mould
Will detonate in a firestorm
The inferno consumes Bah-Bo Bah-Kong[12]
The Black Serpent King is drenched in red!

His peeling skin with ease sloughs off
Child of change he now can fly
Alone he circles shadowy lands
And then at last a fire-serpent
Wicked heart of toxic envy
Burns reduces all to ash

At the city-gates where The Dark One lives
Stand barking dogs bred to attack
Chants are heard, apparitions haunt, creepers hide malignant imps[13]
There also thrive—fevers, pestilence perplexity plague;
The Sanctified Spirit offered to all[14]
By he now ordained—“Venerable Uncle, Respected Father”

Mindless Terror the Cavern King
Night and day He seeks out prey
In every home a pack released
Hounds unleashed by their Mother Fear
From hellish gutters come these dogs
Howling devils who roam the earth

Like the hornet, ravenous demon
U Rngiew delights in startling prey
(In the crook of her arm, secure on her hip, Death safely holds her child Lament)
He gorges on from dawn till dusk
Through Spring and Summer, Autumn, Winter
Day after day and night after night, helplessly caught in the grip of greed

Stirring flames to wild abandon
The Serpent’s hiss illumes the night
From tops of boulders rough and craggy
The grey owl moans “Kitbru, kitbru![15]
Unbroken howls on snow-capped peaks
Jackals wailing without end

Many are those who hide from him
They burrow deep into their beds
In homes in caves in tall spared grass[16]
They sleep by day, are awake by night
Women, children fear the dark
Sinister shadows, shaggy-haired… menace prowls outside their doors

From deep within the midnight dark
The devil’s blaze sheds fitful light
On the dancing wraith upon a Phiang,[17]
Kyndong-dong-dong goes the tapping drum
And when the jaws are poised to clamp
Strange markings streak the earthen pot
A windrush stoop to Pamdaloi[18]
From where he journeys round the world
He hovers in wait by that open door
Once inside, a vessel his haven
The life of their souls entrusted to him
Forever a king in bliss and contentment

In ancient hamlets back in time
One word echoes—“Curse!”—it calls
In those dwellings where he lives
Light struggles hard to defeat the dark
Hope takes flight, rejects, abandons,
The homes of the Thlen—they wither die out

Red-hot spike lodged in his craw[19]
They pulled him out of his ancient cave
They chopped his body into bits, to feast on his remains,
But a morsel forgotten grew into a seed
Invasive hungry rampant wild
Spawning swarms in sites undreamt—those caverns of the human heart

Where pitch-black are the sun and moon
Far reaches where the wraith sheds tears
The lovely maiden a wandering recluse
Why does she roam wild-eyed alone?
The serpent’s coils are tightly wrapped
Around the blooming Amirphor.[20]

—–

[1] As mentioned earlier, “U” in Khasi is masculine and “Ka” is feminine. So the Dark One, a malignant being, is a “he”. Usually “rngiew” or “ngiew” is associated with the sinister as in “syrngiew” (shadow) or “i ngiew” (looks or feels dark and disturbing). Interestingly however “Ka Rngiew”, therefore feminine, has little to do with “U Rngiew” or that sense of “ngiew”.

[2] Henchman employed by families who worship the Thlen—the man-eating snake. The word literally means “he who does not hesitate to strike (a blow)”, once he has cornered victims whose blood is needed to placate the wealth-providing but ever-hungry Serpent Deity.

[3] The “kindling” used is actually dry bamboo—“prew”—which burns easily and brightly. Bamboo grows widely in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills and is a wonderful natural resource with a variety of practical uses.

[4] Limestone and coal are minerals found in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills. The word “Rakot” is the Khasi corruption of “rakshasas” the demons of Hindu mythology who, as shape-shifters, can be either male or female. According to H. W. Sten in his book Na Ka Myndai sha Ka Lawei, Tham here illustrates the concept that evil appears in different guises, such as The Dark One and U Ramshandi (a blood-thirsty deity). As a sorcerer Evil works his dark magic even on heavenly beings like Ka Shritin-tin, Ka Mistidian, Lapubon and Lotikoina who become agents of his dark arts. See ns. 5 and below for more information. Khyrwang is a piece of cloth woven from eri silk (now also known as ahimsa-silk) worn as a shawl by men and wrapped sarong-style by women. Its distinctive stripes make it instantly recognisable as a traditional product of the Ri Bhoi District of Meghalaya.

[5] Ram Thakur could be (1) the Hindu God Ram. Or (2) Ram Thakur who lived between 1860 and 1949. His followers believed he was an avatar of Truth, a deity who appeared in human form to bring salvation to all. Given that this stanza is about false gods and demons, I feel Soso Tham here is not calling upon God Ram or Ram Thakur for help. To Tham the devout Christian and a patriotic Khasi, Ram Thakur represents a baneful threat. As S. K. Bhuyan writes in his introduction to Ki Sngi Barim, Soso Tham’s “… patriotism has led him to an overwhelming bias for the manners and traditions of his native land”.

[6] According to Sten, Tham is probably referring to the manipulative Pablei Lawbah (see footnote 8 below) who was protected by a number of eminent citizens of Khasi society who believed him to be a (Khasi) god-incarnate.

[7] The words within quotation marks are supposed to be those uttered by Pablei Lawbah whom Soso Tham denounces as a false Messiah.

[8] Again according to Sten, Tham here intertwines two stories—that of U Dormi called Pablei Lawbah by his followers, and U RngiewU Dormi was a cult figure who proclaimed himself the reincarnation of U Sohpet Bneng and was by some looked upon as a deity. Soso Tham was horrified that a mere human being should call himself a God (Pa means father and blei means God) and thus run counter to the original Khasi belief in the one and only Creator-God. So the specific details relating to Pablei Lawbah as being the medium through which God spoke to the people, are recounted here to explain the poet’s wrath at an impostor who, as a medium, is supposed to have spoken in the voices of alien deities like Ram Thakur (see footnote 5 above) and (now) evil female spirits (Ka Shritin-tin, Ka Mistidian, Ka Lapubon, Ka Lotikoina). With his “forked tongue” he bewitched a susceptible audience. Pablei Lawbah is a travesty of the real Saviour—the Noble Rooster who according to Khasi belief, interceded with God. In the Christian context he was a Pretender to the throne of grace on which sits Christ the saviour. Pablei Lawbah is like the mythical U Rngiew who also adopts several guises to lure and ensnare his unsuspecting victims.

[9] A locality in Shillong named after the stream Umsohsun (Um means water). Filthy waste from part of the town drains into the stream which consequently never runs pure.

[10] These are the nine springs on Shillong Peak from which our rivers take their being.

[11] Kyllang is a dome of granite rising from the countryside of Hima Nongkhlaw, and Symper found in Hima Maharam, is a hill covered in lush forests. Hima means kingdom or fiefdom. Kyllang and Symper are said to have been the abode of two mountain spirits, brothers whose rivalry led to a bitter battle recounted in a legend that explains the particular physical aspect of these two hills. See Kynpham Singh Nongkynrih’s Around the HearthKhasi Legends, pp. 80–83.

[12] The legendary forests on the slopes of Bah Bo Bah Kong in Narpuh (Jaiñtia Hills) are now no more thanks to the unholy alliance between greedy politicians and cement companies. What Tham thought unimaginable in his lifetime has tragically come to pass.

[13] Khasis tell tales of a will-o-the-wisp creature that lures unsuspecting travellers. One traveller managed to wound one such spirit with his arrow and, following the trail of blood left by the spirit, finally came to a dead end by a creeper where the evil sprite is said to have taken refuge.

[14] Devotees of the Thlen are said to set aside rice beer for a year by which time the drink is so strong as to cloud the drinker’s judgement, emboldening him to commit murder without a shred of regret. This is the “consecrated spirit” given to their henchmen—the nongshohnoh. Rice beer also forms part of the main Khasi socio-religious ceremonies (weddings, naming ceremonies, death). All these are conducted in places that have been blessed and designated as hallowed and sacred. The use of this staple ritual to further evil underlines the twisted blasphemous nature of U Rngiew and those who purportedly worship the Thlen.

[15] In keeping with the ominous nature of night, the call of the owl—“kitbru, kitbru”—definitely carries a sinister message. Kit means carry away and bru means people.

[16] The “tall spared grass” refers to swathes of grass left uncut and never cleared for cultivation or eaten by grazing animals. It is usually found on the peripheries of villages. The grass follows its own cycle of life, death and regeneration, thriving on the rich organic matter into which it breaks down. It is so lush and thick that it is said to make a comfortable bed for a tiger.

[17] Phiang is short for “Khiewphiang”, a water pot found in most Khasi homes. The “he” referred to here is the Thlen. It is said that when devotees bring him offerings of human blood, the victim appears as a spirit dancing to the accompaniment of drums on a silver plate, casting a shadow on the side of the water pot.

[18] The name of the village where the Thlen’s cave is located. The verse shows how evil personified by the Thlen and U Rngiew, enters homes whose inhabitants have an intense desire for wealth. Again a reference to the legend of the Thlen, who was nurtured by humans who tried unsuccessfully to destroy him—a metaphor for man’s endless struggle against the lure of wealth.

[19] Another reference to the legend of the Thlen whose own greed ultimately caused his downfall. Accustomed to being fed human flesh he opened his huge mouth to receive more, realising too late that a red-hot stake had been hurled into his throat. He died in torment and it is believed that his writhing caused earthquakes so strong as to alter the topography of the land forever. Myths about the history of the land ascribe the Khasis’ fold mountains to this event. See Nongkynrih, Around the Hearth, 64–72.

[20] The word is probably Sanskrit or Persian in origin. “Amar” in Sanskrit means immortal and “Amir” in Persian is one whose soul and memory does not die. “(Amir)phor” would be the Khasi pronunciation of “phol”or “phal” which in Hindi means fruit. So perhaps this is a reference to an Immortal Fruit or Flower, which makes sense within the context of cultural jeopardy that so troubled Soso Tham.

 

6. U Simpyllieng / The Rainbow

Out of relentless darkness hope emerges and here we begin to feel the calm benediction of light. Although the rainbow as a symbol of hope is appropriate in any culture, in the rain-lashed Khasi Hills where the Monsoon exults in unleashing its power, the colours of the rainbow arcing against freshly washed skies will obviously have a special resonance. Nature and Myth both underline the constancy of hope and mercy, provided mankind repents of his sin of pride and seeks forgiveness from his God.

The face of the earth polluted by sin
The God within has taken flight
“Ascent” “Descent” forever ceased[1]
A people gripped by terror fear
Blinded choked by infernal hordes
“O where is He, He whom we love”[2]

Wisdom, Knowledge, Contemplation
Blindly stumble in the dark,
A widowed mother children held close
Cursed by memories helpless, alone.
Lost to us the Amirphor
All that is left is the Ekjakor[3]

The world lies awake at the witching hour
Stars drown themselves in Hell’s deep void
Throughout this black impenetrable night
Grant us relief O Morning Star
You who with the rooster’s clarion
Welcomes the light that will drench the world

Crippled by affliction, crushed by illness
We glimpse the rim of earth’s dark belly,[4]
As when we encounter tiger bear
Our souls recoil and shrink with fear
The ceremony of colour now faded frail
“Rites, divinations—confusion confounded!”

What then is Right and what Transgression?
Though fervent the atonement, clan numbers decline
—“For Me! For Me!” Insatiable the demons, insistent the clamour[5]
The dignity of sacrifice most solemn profaned
Dried is the nectar, just the comb remains[6]
“O hear us, we pray! You who made us, placed us here on earth!”

As children die
Deceived betrayed[7]
Maggot, Fly and sickly Vulture
The only clans to grow and prosper
To lift the Shyngwiang to their lips[8]
Conducting rituals, performing last rites

“A basket of seeds yields a mere khoh of grain[9]
Much you will spend, but meagre your gain
One at dawn another at night
They give up the ghost so that I might live
For that’s how I’m fed, and from hunger am spared.”
So sings the crow as she circles above

Those offerings of rice that are left for the dead![10]
The Midnight King ascends the throne
The world spirals down into Circles of Hell
Man wanders the world to look for a way
To rebuild restore the Covenant broken
For light to rise from deep in the dark
And for an insurgence of song to break out in his heart

Flames from the altar will rise to the skies
To Heaven man lifts his troubled gaze
When will the Dawn unveil herself?
When will the firmament blush a deep red?
And how from amongst a cohort of devils,
Will one stand upright and alone to face God?

One who strives to seek and appraise
Comprehending the mystery of divinations and rituals
Who evaluates, debates to challenge his Maker:
“Freely, generously, give of your blessings!”
He will plead for himself, stand up for his clan
To wrest divine pardon for sins and transgressions

“To shoulder sin, to bear the yoke
Make strong Ka Rngiew, to cleanse the curse”,
These the words of God our King
Heard at the Durbar of Thirty Beasts,[11]
“Until the Prince of Song arrives[12]
Who consents to bear pain to save mankind?”

So spoke our God our Lord above
What answer will the Durbar give
In silence long the hushed world sat
Eyelids drooped beasts fell asleep
One question lingering on the lips of man
“The Prince of Song, when will he sing?”[13]

Stop! Now listen from Ka Krem Lamet Ka Krem Latang[14]
Keeper of his Word, the Rooster speaks:[15]
“Until the day of the Awaited One
Come what may I will bear the burden
To spare mankind eternal woe
When before his Creator God he stands.”

Thus he addressed the assembled Durbar
Fearless he stood holding fast to his word
Crossing the threshold of the Sun’s domain
He claps his hands and she wakes from sleep
And when the rooster thrice had crowed
The earth once more was bathed in light

The land, the soil began to bloom
Trust returned fear exorcised
Foreboding sank in Ka Diengïei
Along with her demonic troops
Vivid all auguries, signs and predictions
Divinations and reckonings deciphered made clear

A shroud now lifted from the face of man
Who once again “ascends” “descends”
Heaven and Earth united as one
For man stands upright to appease his God
Peace shall reign throughout the land
Visible once more the King of the Skies[16]

Gleam of sky on rock we’ll see
When sun-showers stop and fade away
Dense dark clouds in fear retreat
When the Rainbow rises in the sky
When man grinds Satan underfoot
He then becomes a Child of God

When long ago the earth was pure
Dark was both the Sun and Moon
But through the dense relentless night
The Star of Hope refused to die
The Gift of Mercy man receives
When before his God he bends his knee.

—–

[1] Referring to the time when the golden ladder, the “mediator” between heaven and Earth on U Sohpet Bneng had not been removed by God and human beings could move easily between the two domains.

[2] “He” is the saviour. As Soso Tham was a devout Christian, one assumes he is referring to Christ.

[3] A mythical Dragon/Serpent.

[4] The earth here is a grave/a tomb—although the earth is also seen as the womb of life.

[5] Khasis believe that illness and affliction are either signs of divine or demonic visitations. A person’s health could only be restored when the particular god or, as in this case demon, has been appeased.

[6] Honey, especially that collected from orange groves in the Khasi Hills, is one of Meghalaya’s most prized products. Honey is a metaphor for sweetness and plenty.

[7] A reference to the folktale of the ox punished by his Maker for his disobedience.

[8] A flute played during religious ceremonies.

[9]khoh is a basket with sides tapering to a point and carried on the back with the aid of a head strap. It is used to carry a variety of goods including market-produce, firewood and pots of water from a spring or communal tap.

[10] As part of the funeral rites, offerings of rice are left for the deceased at cremation sites, thus providing food for the crow, the bird who for personal gain persuades the ox to lie to mankind.

[11] Thirty is a number Khasis use to indicate a great many.

[12] Simpah/Simkaro is the name given to a gifted Intercessor. Sim means bird, pah means song or singing. I have translated the word into “Prince of Song” but to fully understand what “Song” means, it is important to remember that, among Khasis, songs are outpourings which have their root in religious observances.

[13] Sim-karo (like Simpah): this term is a metaphor for a man elected as leader for his altruistic and trustworthy qualities. He is seen as the agent of light and transformation as willed by God.

According to Sten (p. 77), Khasis see the root of their creativity in their outpourings of prayer and thanksgiving to God. It is through these acts of worship that Khasis express their understanding of their place in this world and their relation to God. Thus poetry is linked to the sacred and the divine, and the poet is in many ways God’s agent whose song draws those who suffer under the yoke of sin back to the divine.

[14] The Cave into which the Sun retreated in anger, depriving mankind of light.

[15] Again refers to the same legend of the Rooster offering himself as a sacrifice to the Sun so that she would forgive mankind and restore light to the world.

[16] “King of the Skies” refers to either the rainbow or Christ. Based on the words ascribed to the rooster in verse 13 (“Until the day of the Awaited One/I’ll bear the burden come what may…”), Sten maintains that Soso Tham saw Christianity as the final flowering of the indigenous Khasi belief in a saviour releasing the world from the darkness of sin. See Sten, Na Ka Myndai, p. 79. The underlying belief of both faiths is hope and salvation through a “mediator”.

 

7. Ka Ïing I Mei / Home[1]

A more literal translation of the title is “The House that Belongs to my Mother” or “My Mother’s Home”. Here “Mei” refers both to the biological mother and to the poet’s homeland, for both have nurtured the poet’s being. With the dawn of hope and light in the preceding section it is natural that the poet now describes what it feels like to be home. He goes back in time to his childhood and to the daily rituals where the sacred codes of life are affirmed. Finally, he moves on to describe the rituals of death with reference to the concluding lines of Ki Sngi Barim, where the poet talks of arriving at the House of God—the everlasting mother of all homes and sanctuaries. But what is always characteristic and remarkable about Soso Tham is that his presentation of the most weighty and serious of subjects is endowed with an inescapable energy. Since for Soso Tham his culture is so obviously alive, he cannot but describe it in dynamic and vivid terms. Even the rendition of ceremonies for the dead is undeniably joyful.

When a Khasi man marries he leaves the house where he was born—the home of his clan—and moves into his wife’s house—the home of her clan which is referred to as “ka ïing khun” (his children’s home)—to differentiate it from “ka ïing kmie”—his mother’s home. These expressions seem to suggest that in both cases it is never his home, pointing to the limbo-land the Khasi man inhabits. But others have countered this by saying that both as father (progenitor) and maternal uncle (protector and adviser) a man has a significant place in the family. This is true if theory and practice concur and if traditional reverence for the role of the uncle remains unchanged. But it would be foolish to disregard the complexities of life on the ground. The advent of the nuclear family, the need to seek a living away and often far from the traditional hearth combined with the increased obeisance paid to wealth as the only criterion for respect, are factors eroding this way of thinking and the role of protector and advisor traditionally associated with the figure of the uncle will depend on the persistence of such values. Some men in the community have voiced their discontent, feeling that the uncle/father has responsibilities but no real power in a society where women inherit property and have tangible material assets, and where children’s identity is defined by the mother’s clan. Feminists counter this argument by pointing out that only well-off women can claim to be landowners, and that to this day women are not allowed an equal voice in the decision-making process of traditional organisations—they are still denied access to the public sphere. The controversy simmers.

 

Let me return to the field we tended, the field we owned,
Back to that world dreamed up by tears,
As does the deer at the end of her days
When weary, spent and faint with wandering
She retraces paths that once she trod.
O once again to be home with Mei!

There as a boy I set my first traps
There the owl called out at night
Gone the birds that soared from the gorge
And where the Skong, the Lapohiat?[2]
Breathless winds cool on the skin, waters with the bite of ice
Today I find them still and quiet, listening in the lonely silence

San ka Kong Ri, pat ka Kong A[3]
We chanted as siblings whenever we played
Young and tender the Sun and Moon
In that far-off time where I learnt to sing
Where once we were whole not broken and scattered
In that faraway place we first learnt to know God

The Wahkaba roars as she has always done
The Latara leaps with her customary joy[4]
The child in us is never lost
Lives on in the adult we grow to become
So I stand as before on the lip of the gorge
Then tell me why my blood runs cold?

A time we felt and thought as one
Sweet the call—“Meisan, Meinah
We stepped out then, one clan, one womb[5]
Birds of one colour flocking together
Gathering to roost in the home of the khatduh[6]
This is and has been the life of the clan

In their grass-thatched homes the Hynñiew Trep
Held up a flare of blazing conviction
Proclaiming as they did with one strong voice
“For our numbers to increase, for our own to prosper”
Then as with bees in creviced rock
Tenderly the mother caresses, holds close

All noble kings from distant lands
Seek the house where concord dwells
A kingdom honouring “kith and kin”
A land where is found “the Uncle, the Father”[7]
And where can be found the Ancestral Mother?[8]
Her seat at the centre, the heart of the hearth

Where from days of old, days lost to us
The wealth of clan and race took root
Where liturgies were honed, incantations intoned
And our native Creed sprang into life
A smouldering fire of enduring force
Inspiring a thirst to establish new worlds

Like deer serow we were surefooted once
Over limestone rock and precipice sheer
Purses were woven for hunters of sbai[9]
Who were ready and poised at the first thrust of light
Concern for the living, respect for the dead
Those touchstones of “greatness a clan can achieve”

Thus declared the Uncles the Ancients
Their words the Law within each clan
In ceremonies of colour, at celebratory pageants
Or when turbulent wars shuddered the land
Gathered the “Nine who shoulder the bow”
Quivers the sword, dances the Shield

The role of the son is to defend
His home, his clan, ancestral lands[10]
The family wealth the daughter safeguards
Tending the herds of cattle and goats
For a tree to bear fruit what name shall it bear?
So followed the rite to pour and anoint[11]

Pay heed to your forebears, your Kur, your Kha
They have read the signs, know what perils await
Taboo and danger they observe they respect
For lightning smites, the tiger bites
He who scorns taboo is the devil’s apprentice
Head shaven in furrows, branded with shame, relentlessly hounded, forever exiled

A sword and shield in every home
Close at hand, companions in sleep
To safeguard family, clan and race
Rises the sword, the spear, the shield
So sparing our children a beggar’s existence
Flesh of our flesh, blood of our blood

Bones laid to rest in the Great Ossuary[12]
An accompaniment of drums escorting them there
Pillars of stone for women and men
Memorials erected once oblations are offered,
Out in the open in passionate abandon
Dazzling the dance of silk and brocade, joined even by gold habitually discreet,[13]

Distinct the clans of the mother and father
Reverential the homage to ancestors long gone[14]
On burial hills “Meisan Meinah[15]
Side-by-side they will always sleep
Journeying together to the House of God
United as one even in death

Thunders the dark in an uproar of colour
When a nobleman’s son is laid on his pyre
Concourse resplendent in Dhara and Ryndia[16]
Ornaments worn of coral and gold
And when handsome young men begin moving in dance
Tears drop from the eyes of young maidens who watch.

—–

[1] The phrase “Ka Ïing i Mei” can be literally translated into “My Mother’s House” or “The House which belongs to my Mother”, but neither convey the many layered meanings experienced by the Khasi speaker. Used as a prefix when addressing a person, the honorific “i” connotes a combination of love and respect which shades into reverence, and when “i” accompanies the word “Mei” (mother), a figure central to the network of family relationships in matrilineal Khasi society, the profound sense of homage and love the child tenders the mother is deepened and consequently immeasurable. So “My Mother’s Home or House” fails to convey that felt sense of love and near-worship. As a Khasi, I feel a sense of poignancy when the married son speaks these words for he is looking back at the birth-home he has left behind. In relation to this I have also tried to recall whether daughters ever say “ngan leit sha ïing i Mei” (“I will go to my mother’s house”) with that same sense of absolute separation as is detected when a man makes the same statement. I do not think so. Given that this section of the narrative describes Khasi customs, “ïing” also has a more general application referring to the Motherland of the Khasis (The “i” in “i Mei is pronounced as the “i” in Spanish or Italian).

[2] SkongChimonobambusa callosa: a type of bamboo used as posts in the construction of houses. LapohiatLigustrum lucidum, a wild fruit-bearing tree providing food for birds.

[3] In her desperate attempts to escape the clutches of an evil Tiger and a tyrannical Toad, Nam—the heroine of one of the best-known Khasi legends—chants these magic words. Seeking the help of the cotton and rubber trees (Kya and JriBombax ceiba/Bombax malabaricum and Ficus Elastica) she asks them to grow (san) then wait (pat) at a pace in tune with the rhythm of her efforts to reach the safe haven of the “Moon, the Stars and the Sun” far from the dark kingdom of menace ruled by the Tiger and Toad. See Nongkynrih’s Around the Hearth: “Ka Nam and the Tiger”, p. 49.

[4] Waterfalls in the Khasi Hills.

[5] Among the Khasis all sisters of the mother are regarded as potential “mothers” (hence the prefix “Mei”) and when a female sibling dies often one of the sisters takes care of the orphaned nieces or nephews. Hence the mother’s older sister is referred to as the older mother (Mei means mother, san older/mature); the mother’s younger sister is the younger or the girl-like mother (nah is short for khynnah, a word used to refer to children, to someone who is young, innocent and relatively inexperienced); the mother’s sisters all hail from the same clan, are descended from the same ancestral mother and therefore of the “same womb”.

[6]Khatduh”: youngest daughter—the custodian of family rites and rituals and responsible for their continued practice.

[7] U Kur U Kha (“kith and kin”)—One of the most sacred tenets of Khasi society is to know (tip) the members of your own clan—your kur—and also those of your father’s—your kha. This is to ensure that the most horrific of taboos is never violated—entering into a sexual relationship with members of your own clan. According respect to the members of your father’s clan is another sacred obligation, for without the father a child does not come into being, is never born. The root of the word kha relates to the act of birth.

To try and communicate the many-layered meaning of the original word “don” (in the third line), I have used the word “found”. The literal meaning of “don” is “to have/has” in the sense of “have got” which I feel does not convey the wider cultural significance which also includes bestowed respect and which is in turn linked to self-respect. Having or being seen to have a Maternal Uncle and a Father, those traditional givers of invaluable advice and support, is a matter of family and clan pride. I hope the word found implies not only that a family knows for certain that it has guardians and mentors, but also suggests that the outsider, in this case the “noble king” can “find” or see for themselves how culturally blessed that kind of family is.

[8] As Khasis are a matrilineal society the Ancestral Mother of each clan (Ka Mei, Ka Ïaw) is a being who occupies a venerated space in the psyche of all Khasis, as is the maternal uncle (U Kñi). The hearth is the centre of the traditional Khasi home.

[9] Cowries were once used as currency.

[10] Khasi thanksgiving dances symbolically reflect this custom when male dancers move in a circle around the women attired in traditional finery of silk and gold, not to parade wealth but to display God’s blessings for which the people are thankful.

[11] Khasis believe that a person’s health and well-being (“for the tree to bear fruit”) depends on the right choice of name which is decided upon in a ceremony where a priest prays and then calls out, one by one, the names chosen by the family and as he does so pours from a gourd containing a suspension of ground rice and water. It is only when this mixture of rice and water holds together in a small drop that clings to the mouth of the gourd, that the name spoken at the time is chosen to be the one favoured by God. The child is then marked or anointed with the rice-water and so are the families of the father and mother. For a description and detailed analysis of the Khasi Naming Ceremony, see Bijoya Sawian, et al.The Main Ceremonies of the Khasi (Guwahati: Vivekananda Kendra Institute of Culture, 2012), chapter I, pp. 1–6.

[12] Khasis who hold onto the indigenous faith cremate their dead, after which the bones of the departed are finally laid to rest in a Great Ossuary which is the afterlife sanctuary on earth for all the members of one clan.

[13] This verse shows how ceremonies for the dead are festive occasions in which the living honour the dead and “celebrate” their lives. Homage to the dead is paid in music and colour while stone memorials are powerful long-living symbols of remembrance—all, as it were, is set in stone.

[14] Certain rites observed during the ceremony conducted for the dead clearly demonstrate that even in death Khasis continue to foreground the sacrosanct pre-eminence of that most significant of all knowledge—knowing your kith and kin, so that the most heinous of all taboos of marrying into one’s clan is never broken.

[15] The older mother, the younger mother.

[16] The Ryndia and Dhara are part of Khasi traditional apparel. The former is normally worn by men like a shawl, a turban, or draped round the neck to hang from the shoulders like a scarf. The Dhara is usually associated with women and is draped Grecian fashion but over both shoulders. However, sometimes on ceremonial occasions men wear it as a dhoti.

 

8. Ka Meirilung / Gentle Motherland

In the plaintive lyrical opening of this section Soso Tham asks that most human of questions—Where do we come from? For the Khasi the answer still lies in conjecture. Meanwhile they suffer the humiliation of forced identities which are at best perplexing, and at worst humiliating. It is from these that Tham steers us gently away. Once again he sees the natural world as a source from which to draw upon for moral strength. He lists the forethought and ingenuity of those who led before—“Dimly they glimmer, one or two”, he describes the codes of warfare, and most importantly he names the luminaries who fought with pride and integrity. It is in the last verse that Tham highlights what is or should be the lasting legacy of our forebears, a principle which we would be foolish to ignore: “Boundaries defined, rights respected… Welfare and woe of common concern”—a message relevant to a troubled world.

Tell me children of the breaking dawn
Mother-kite, mother-crow,
You who circle round the world
Where the soil from which we sprang?
For if I could, like you I’d drift
Down the ends of twelve-year roads!

O Wind who lifts those seeds of Pine
Where grows that ancient rugged Tree?
Migrant from a Land of Plenty[1]
Perhaps that same That Faraway Land?
Or did our infant homeland crawl
From the lair of tiger khung[2]

So that like them our blood will course
Beating red in tendon vein
(Where Silver Strings stir into life
And I can pluck the Duitara)
But as we have such hardy souls
Home must have been a den of bears

The pine who grows from wind-borne seeds
Drifting in from alien lands
Though oftentimes consumed by fire
His crown is spared, remains un-scorched
His roots hold firm beneath the rock
No storm can do its wrenching worst!

In other ways once more we’ll climb
With other races mingle meet
Though cast as followers, why should we fear
Have not others led before?
Vivid the signs they left behind
Resin-rich the ancient pine

On hills and in forests
Our ancients thought deeply
The Tangmuri sang
The Sharati wept[3]
Standing Stones sprang throughout the land
To remember forever “U KñiU Kpa[4]

For the sun-beaten traveller weary and spent
Boulders were hewn into seats of rest
And bridges spanned rivers linking far banks,
As long as the sun and moon remain
Forever endures Ka Thadlaskein[5]
Genius and strength of our ancient ones

Today in your waters O Thadlaskein
Only waterfowl swim and splash with joy
But in my dreams at night I see
Orchards and gardens encircling your banks
When such a Host has gone before
We can never be infants left far behind

In Jaiñtiapur mansions built to last
Water tanks sunk throughout the land
Signposting a future that is only envisioned
By an eye that is clear, an ear that can hear
If our homeland today is to scale great heights
Then like once they were, so should we be

“Tigers of the Sword”, “Noble Bearers of Honour”
Toughened by trials through Fire and Water
Their pageantry and colour, their bearing, their pride
To behold their demeanour was to fall back in awe
Revered Ancestress, Creator Father
Will you tell us where they fell asleep?

Their name and their fame
Not mere legend or tale
U Puhshilum, U Khwai Shynreh[6]
Was untold wealth their only concern?
Was all, you think, just swallowed whole
When we grappled and battled with the rage of the river?[7]

Just one or two stars in heaven appear
One or two names remembered, survive
Sajar Laskor, Mailong Raja,
U Mangkathiang, U Syiem Kongka,[8]
Dimly they glimmer one or two
“Lest we forget! Lest we forget!”[9]

Kings they were of fearsome mien
Of them why should we be ashamed
They were not mere “Collectors of Heads”
But “Children of the Sword and Shield”
If ever we forget that they once lived
As orphans we doom ourselves to live

From under cover of cotton and rubber
The resolute call to war rang out
Protectress of the Portal, Guardian Divine
Had kept tireless watch both day and night
With one accord the Tigers arose
The sword she lies still, but if war is to cease

The man in the sword must be unsheathed[10]
Swift they sped through forests deep
The tiger cowered, the Thlen retreats
Though slashed and torn by lightning sabres
Their sleep at night always quiet sound
Because they died to live again

Beings such as they can never age!
And so came forth these fabled warriors
Sword against sword come victory or loss
Thus ended combats of long ago
Thus did two kingdoms reconcile
“Collectors of Heads” of them you say?

Are they not “Sons of Sword and Shield”?
Oft we search for gold that’s pure
Yet here we find a gold that’s rare
From times now gone and times now lost
God chose those who could endure
To safeguard the frontiers of this our land

“Drenched in the blood of U Kñi U Kpa
Once again will forests roar
And stones long still shake to the core
Days new unknown will surely dawn
And our homeland ripen as never before
If we are willing to listen to ponder upon

The words that are spoken by Ka Mei Ramew[11]
Once Great Minds did wrestle with thought
To strengthen the will, to toughen the nerve
Once too in parables they spoke they taught
In public durbar or round the family hearth
In search of a king, a being in whom

The hopes of all souls could blossom and fruit
Together as one in a circle they gathered
Learning to steer the affairs of the state
They founded a “Hima[12]
Which they vowed to protect
They laid down their lives soaked the land with their blood

Thus lives on their name, enduring their fame
It matters not greatly who wears the crown
Only the power to shackle belongs to the king
Rich and poor, privileged and lowly
Marigold petals arranged in a circle
Resplendent gathering ordered decorous

Smoothly flow Durbar proceedings
Gateways and highways under the king’s control
Tethering thongs he holds in his hands,
Though given the power to tax and to fine
No tax from land flows into his coffers
For land is common, land bequeathed

The subjects, you see, are the lords of the land[13]
Boundaries defined, rights respected
Trespass a taboo remaining unbroken
Equal all trade, fairness maintained
Comings and goings in sympathy in step
Welfare and woe of common concern
Concord’s dominion on the face of the earth.

——

[1] The original phrase (Ri u Soh u Pai) translates into “Land of fruit and sugarcane”. I have chosen to use “Land of Plenty” to maintain the regularity of the rhythm, and also because the expression “Land of fruit and sugarcane” is often used to indicate abundance.

[2] A mythical beast, half-lion half-bear.

[3] The Tangmuri and Sharati are traditional wind instruments.

[4] The Uncle, the Father.

[5] Ka Thadlaskeiñ is a lake in the Jaiñtia Hills. Not wishing to shed the innocent blood of his own people by declaring war on his own king, the ruler of JaiñtiapurSajar Nangli chose exile. But before leaving their homeland he and his band of rebel warriors used the ends of their bows to dig this lake.

[6] Legendary characters famed for their superhuman strength. U Puhshilum was one who could turn over a whole hill with one thrust of his spade; U Khwai Shynreh used buffaloes as fish-bait.

[7] A reference to the legend which explains how the Khasis lost their script during a great flood.

[8] The names of Khasi chieftains.

[9] Soso Tham was familiar with Kipling’s Recessional and his use of this line is deeply ironic as we know the poet’s pride in the achievements of his people, “those lesser breeds without the Law.”

[10] Translating part of this sentence “Shynrang ka Wait” was problematic for the original implies that the Sword (“Ka Wait”), which is female, as denoted by “ka”, has to become a man—“shynrang”. As the sword is genderless in English I have had to add “The sword she lies still” in order to communicate the change from female to male.

[11] Mother Earth.

[12] A kingdom.

[13] The concept of community land (“Ri Raid”—common land) was once enshrined in Khasi traditional Law to ensure that the poor never remained landless and always had the means of producing their own food. Sadly this idea of “Ri Raid” is fast becoming a myth and land has now been bought and sold for private use. This is reminiscent of the Acts of Enclosure (1809–1820) the consequences of which tore apart the soul of the English poet John Clare.

 

9. Lum Lamare / Lamare Peak

This section is a dreamlike meandering through memory, myth, reflection and the immediacy of experience found in the simple pleasures of daily life. It is an account alive with movement marked by telling image and detail. Tham names flowers, waterfalls and rivers not only because he delights in them or because of the stories they tell, but to also underline the imaginative rapport that exists between the people and the wonders gracing their land, all of which make him finally pose the question “Which gods have made your slopes their home?”

O land of mine! When will the high Himalaya
Turn their gaze away from you?
Wind which moves to cool the hills
Will your freshness ever fade?
Yet looking back as here I stand
Was it all a passing dream?

Slow from you the flight of darkness
Well-watered tender grows your face
Orange glow in ripening groves[1]
Your granaries brim with gathered grain
Perchance in time I then can dream
Of flowering gardens everywhere

The land forever tilled and living
They toil from dawn till dusk drifts in
Seeds dropped by chance unnoticed scattered
Nurture raise O Mother Earth.
Plants wild with zest our people eat
Unrivalled the taste of Ja on the hills[2]

Did they ever know cold? Did they ever feel heat?
Were there any tomorrows? Did night ever exist?
With burdens braced, swift, swift they raced
The whistling soared as the head strap pressed[3]
With firm support from joints robust
Thus seldom work was left undone

Girth of trees first measured then felled[4]
“Slaves from the lowlands” brought in to work[5]
Groves of maturing kwai and fruit
Flocks on hillsides multiplied
Clean fresh skies above a land
Where baskets brimmed, were ranged in rows

Betel-nut split on knee-caps hard[6]
Sohriew soaked, simmered and strained[7]
Milk was shunned, butter unknown
Their choice a broth of boiled beef bones
Supple-limbed, movement lithe
Deserving of ease upon a prah[8]

Ka knupka khohu star they wove[9]
(In forge of stone they smelted iron
Furnace-tempered knife sword axe
Fine-tipped tweezers for the offending barb)
They wandered by rivers to drink the wind
Placing baskets and snares to net a catch

United they were, agreement prevailed
(Unbroken respect for U Kñi and U Kpa)
Those were the days when maidens and men
Ploughed, sowed, weeded, hoed
So tell me then O Lum Rapleng[10]
Did Heaven have borders and where did they end!

Over hillside and forest profusion abounds
Vast the array of names they bestowed
U Tiew Japang on sheer cliff sides[11]
On river banks U Tiew Tyrkhang[12]
The light of genius now all but snuffed
Today who would know U Tiew Khmat Miaw?[13]

Birdsong rises from the thicket
Moans the bee within his hive
The Jalyeit sings inside his cage[14]
While flowers in their gardens bloom
When U Tiew Lyngskaw[15] is with turban crowned
We gaze and gaze till all longing is spent

Their bowstrings drawn archers dance in a circle
Quiet the eye trained true on the target, steady the hand that rests on the ear,
On that soaring spray of black and white
On the Sohpdung[16] or the wagers at stake,
Couplets are chanted in mockery playful,
The ceremony of banter declares its intent

Under skies with a dusting of puffed-rice-clouds[17]
Applause breaks out again and again
When victory is won by a village entire
They dance in a circle on the Great Market Hill[18]
Back in those days which forever belong
To Sohra’s young women and Sohra’s young men

Soil-soaked stained throughout the day
At night they rest on beds of skin[19]
Days in the forest setting dogs on the scent
Nights spent courting away from home
Mindful to leave by the first cockcrow
Not a moment is wasted as they tear away home

At break of day they descend to Riwar[20]
At nightfall sweat wiped clean away
By day they follow the honeybee
Convivial the nights made light with their banter
Unending the splutter of pot-roasted maize
Unforgettable the taste of honey-spread yam

O Moon who blooms for fourteen nights
O Night whose arms hold safe the stars,
The owl alights upon a branch
U Nongshohnoh—he lurks close by[21]
But under a sheet of coarse cotton or silk
The tired rest easy round a slow-burning fire

Varied the tales that they then told
Some raised laughter, others tears
Ki Moin Manik, Ki Lar Morti[22]
Lent their brilliance to another time
To a place some called “a savage forest”
A home to monkey langur wild!

And so they told in fable tale
Of heroes and their immortal fame
Of gardens in bloom, orchards with fruit
Lands where people lived in peace
How a pure and righteous Age
Secures accord for one and all

Kynting-ting-ting through the quiet night
The Marynthing goads the tiger to dance
Laughter joy piping strumming
Together beneath a smoke-shafted roof
Kynting-ting-ting until the dawn
Vivid pathways of colour to enchantment beyond

U Tiew Japang with turban brocade
Captured by kings to wed royal daughters,[23]
Fish, Palm, Turtle, Egg
Leitmotifs familiar from ancient chants
Ka MawtyngkongKa Wahrisa[24]
Poised they pose at the head of the gorge

The Lynx slings Thunder’s sabre across his chest[25]
Ka Lalyngngi still combs her hair on precipitous cliffs[26]
Ka Syntuksiar drapes herself in silk[27]
Ka Umngot will snatch victory from her sister[28]
Now tell us then Bah-Bo-Bah-Kong[29]
Which gods have made your slopes their home?

—–

[1] The glow of both ripe orange and betel nut.

[2] a is rice in its cooked form. So important a staple is rice in Khasi culture that the word for a meal is simply “Ja”. To have a meal, whatever the accompaniments, is to “eat ja”—“bam ja”. A meal without ja, no matter how nutritious and filing, is not worthy of the name! And the deliciousness of “Ja on the hills” (“Ja ha lum”)—a meal eaten out in the fresh hill air—is truly a pleasure that must be tried. Soso Tham is of course specifically referring to simple rural delights.

[3] This head strap is called u star—also mentioned a few lines further down below—and it is used in conjunction with a tapering basket called a khoh carried on the back

[4] Like many indigenous peoples Khasis once worked with the land. Only trees of a certain girth were felled—i.e. those whose trunks could be encircled by the entire length of a head strap (star) without any evidence of slack. Alas today that is no longer the case. Commercial gain is now the sole consideration.

[5] Khasis were able to hire people from lands beyond their own kingdoms—most probably the plains of present-day Bangladesh.

[6] This is not a tall story. I have seen this done—knowing how hard a betel nut is, splitting it on the knee cap indicates that the bone used as a “chopping board” is rock-hard.

[7] “Job’s tears”: Coix-lachryma jobi—belonging to the family of Grasses.

[8]prah is a round flat woven tray usually used for winnowing grain. Wheelchairs are relatively new to the region and the old, infirm and immobile were lowered onto a prah on which they sat either indoors or out in the warm sunshine. My great-grandmother lived so long that she reigned in state over her family in this manner. To live a long life is an achievement and the old are respected and cared for accordingly.

[9] The knup is the Khasi farmer’s rainshield and is made of palm leaves stretched and held in shape by a framework of bamboo cane strips. When viewed on the wearer’s back its shape is, appropriately enough, reminiscent of a shield beetle. The knup protects the head and body and leaves both hands free to carry out all the tasks in the field. There is also a smaller knup which functions as a parasol during hot sunny days.

[10] Rapleng Peak lies east of a village called Nongkrem in the Khasi Hills but is clearly visible from the Jaiñtia Hills where Soso Tham worked as a teacher.

[11] Primula denticulata.

[12] Khasi Ferns: Dryopteris filix, Osmunda regalis. Ferns are referred to as flowers (tiew) because of their subtle perfume.

[13] “Flower with the face of a cat”—an orchid: Dendrobium chrysanthum.

[14] Golden fronted chloropsis. A songbird par excellence, able to imitate the songs of other birds.

[15] An orchid: Dendrobium densiflorum.

[16] The two rival teams were identified by the colour of their arrow-feathers, which were either black or white. Sohpdung—the big tubercular root of a certain plant used as a target during archery matches.

[17]  scattering of small cumulus clouds. This expression comes from the sight of puffed rice (i.e. boiled rice mixed with yeast to make rice wine) scattered on the floor after the cat has knocked the pot over.

[18] Markets in the Khasi Hills were places where people from surrounding areas converged to buy and sell and were held in different villages on different days of the week. The Great Market at Sohra (former Cherrapunjee) was one of the better-known.

[19] The skins were usually made of cow hide.

[20] Riwar: the land of a distinct group of Khasis who call themselves Wars or War Jaiñtia. It resides in the region south of the Jaiñtia Hills.

[21] The nongshohnoh is the henchman of families who worship the man-eating serpent, the Thlen.

[22] Precious stones.

[23] This refers to a practice in the past, commemorated in a folktale, when young men from the plains were taken captive by Khasi rulers as husbands for their daughters.

[24] Waterfalls east of Sohra. Their names are evocative—[the waterfall at] “the stony threshold” and “the river’s applause”.

[25] Jealous of the Lynx’s ability to wield his silver sword during a dance, the Thunder God (U Pyrthat) asked to borrow the weapon, saying he wished to try the same moves himself. The Lynx happily handed the sword over and the God immediately leapt into the sky leaving the Lynx without his prized sword. The flashes of lightning seen when thunder rumbles during a storm come from the Thunder God brandishing the sword he stole from the Lynx. The Lynx’s habit of leaving his droppings in a mound is supposed to be his attempt to build a mountain that will enable him to climb to heaven and retrieve his beloved sword.

[26] Hedychium gardnerianum. A Khasi legend tells the story of Ka Lalyngngi, a beautiful maiden who arrived late for The Dance of the Flowers because she spent far too long getting herself ready. Filled with shame that all her efforts to be the belle of the ball had been in vain, she flung herself off a cliff hoping she would die at the bottom of the gorge. But she was stranded midway and transformed into a flower that now bears her name.

[27] yntuksiar means the golden flower (of the Jaiñtia Hills) referencing the golden paddy fields along the Myntdu river valley.

[28] Ka Umngot is a river that rises in the Khasi hills and ends her journey in the plains of Bangladesh. The meandering course of the Umngot gave rise to a legend centring on a race between two sisters. Though infinitely more powerful, the older sister—Ka Iam—loses. Puffed with conceit Ka Iam had taken her time to start and found that her hard-working sister (Ka Umngot) had long reached the finishing line.

[29] The legendary forests in Narpuh, Jaiñtia Hills.

10. Ka Aïom Ksiar / Season of Gold

Should one wish to compare Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep to a musical form, the polyphonic fugue would perhaps be its closest relative. In keeping with the poet’s own longings and ultimate hope for a new world, it is the soaring melody of hope that is sustained throughout. At the same time Soso Tham’s understanding of the frailty of human nature repeatedly introduces passages of anger, hopelessness and sombre reflection. The presence of these varied themes consequently preempts a positive finale. Soso Tham understands that the eternal lesson which Life and Nature hold for us is that the battle between light and darkness, hope and despair, life and death will always be fought—and we can either be worthy combatants or sidle down the path of least resistance.

Soso Tham wrote Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep for his people and this exposition has been and will always be the poet speaking, exhorting and even pleading with his people. Nowhere is this made more clear than in the closing verses. He harks back to the shared myth of inherited beginnings and legends, to the presence of hope and joy and to the two moral pillars supporting the fabric of Khasi society—Truth and Justice. His pride in his homeland never wanes, but apprehension and doubt are never silenced. That which he has tried to reclaim and rebuild is still under threat: “Uncertain the journey of our people, our land”.

However, his own belief in the homeland that has long cradled him, and the messages of renewal evident in Nature, reassert their force and thus reawaken hope and optimism. He ends with a collective prayer of thanksgiving, a renewing of vows and a vision of joyous abandon before making a natural transition to the end of his own earthly journey and his arrival in the House of God where he will first seek out his beloved mother—i Mei—the acknowledged heart beating at the centre of the Khasi world. It is only appropriate that, after this man’s long journey in search of the resurrection and of enlightenment transcending time and doubt, that he should finally look for the one being to whom he owes the breath of life, to whom he was once joined by a life-giving cord—his mother. This is the quiet end towards which Ki Sngi Barim U Hynñiew Trep moves. The poet’s quest has come full circle—in his end is his beginning.

When in midnight black the land was wrapped
Truth was slow to reveal herself
Seven springs then journeyed down
From their waters man could drink
Slow slow the flooding of the light
As the Name of God was revealed to us

From among the Sixteen who dwelt above
Seven came to live below
To reveal the light of Holy Truths
Obscured by dust from new-formed worlds,
To emblazon the brow of “monkey, langur”
Give tongue and speech to tree and stone

Who lives and does not know of them
Eternal the light that is shed by their names
In the blaze of the sun or deep in her shadow
So we who come after shall never forget
That from the dawn of time unto its end
We are the children of the Hynñiew Trep

To you I give thanks, O Land of Mine
Land where silver rivers flow
Land where blooms the Amirphor
Whose vivid tones can never fade
Golden Flower from within whose depths
The heart receives and overflows

Multitudes teemed under heaven’s high vault
Across the land one tongue was heard
A homeland bound by one belief
Traditional colours displayed with pride
Commemoration observance celebration profound
Incomparable the rituals of our native land

Thus lived all those who have gone before
Whose laws were built on sacred writ
Though constant the threat from tiger and Thlen
Undefeated their souls, undiminished their hope.
But today we live in other times
Uncertain the journey of our people, our land

High on the hills, deep in the shade
When alone we walk refreshed becalmed
Tell me why O Land of mine
Why does unease disquiet my heart?
When all around I look to see
Why do I feel the ache of tears?

Our hills were our guardians in the past
Who will keep us from harm in days to come?
A down-coursing river is gathering force
A leaden-cloud mass is brooding ahead
But as it was then so tomorrow can be
If again for our homeland together we band

Breathe through us, O wind that blows
Once more that longing “to live for our land”
So once again the heavens will clear
And once again the stars we’ll see
The Star of Night becomes the Star of Light
And the Moon once more will rise for us

We share the same sun, same water and wind
In what way then are we different from others?
Sorrow, grief, laughter, joy
It is the same language we all speak
And as we toil to reach the summit
Those down below are human too

From furrows of paddy and beds of millet
A meal we’ll provide for the destitute Phreit
In numbers we’ll grow, become a discernible throng
With Justice and Truth enshrined in our midst
The sky will brighten to a peerless blue
Heralding the coming of a Golden Age

The Peacock will dance when the Sun returns[1]
And she will bathe in the Rupatylli[2]
O Rivers Rilang, Umiam and Kupli[3]
Sweet songs in you will move inspire
Land of Nine Roads, pathways of promise[4]
Where the Mole will strum, the Owl will dance[5]

In the Asorphi now forgotten gone[6]
Fires survive continue to burn
For the sake of our beloved Ri Khasi Ri Pnar[7]
O Lord to whom this world belongs
Together we’ll plough, thresh and build
Ascend from thatch to soaring peaks

From brink of waterfalls to verge of deep pools
In a place unknown I find myself
O Lum ShillongKyllang, Symper[8]
From you O Land could I ever take flight?
And when I reach the House of God
Of them I will ask—hangno i Mei?[9]

—–

[1] A Khasi tale explaining the eyes on the tail of the Peacock who once upon a time lived in the sky with his wife the Sun. But one day as he looked down on the earth below he saw a golden-haired maiden with whom he instantly fell in love. He flew down only to discover that he had been captivated by a field of golden mustard. The foolish peacock was left heartbroken and realised he was doomed to live on earth forever. From that time onwards each morning the peacock danced at sunrise to greet his wife whose tears would fall on his outspread tail and became the eyes on the peacock’s tail.

[2] The Surma, now in Bangladesh. Here it is compared to a necklace of solid silver.

[3] Rivers in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills.

[4] The Khasi word “lad” means both path, or road, as well as opportunity. As translating the phrase “Khyndai lad” as “Nine Roads” would not reflect the latter I added “pathways of promise” in order to better convey the full meaning of the original word.

[5] Both the Mole and the Owl participate in a dance described in the legend of the Sacred Cave where the Sun hid her light to punish living creatures for casting doubt on her relationship with her brother the Moon.

[6] Precious, treasured, related to the Persian word Asharfi, a gold coin issued by Persian Kings and the Mughals.

[7]Ri” here means land or homeland so “Ri Khasi Ri Pnar” means the land or homeland of the Khasis and the Pnar. Interestingly “ri” also means to take care, to tend carefully, to preserve.

[8] Shillong Peak. Kyllang and Symper

[9] Where is [my] mother (i Mei)? Though the poet does not use the pronoun “my”, the honorific “i” before “Mei” (Mother) immediately indicates to the Khasi reader that the speaker is referring to his mother (as explained at the beginning of this section, the use of “i before “Mei” conveys the reverential love Khasi daughters and sons feel for their mother).

 

Translator’s Acknowledgements

Without Mark Turin this book would still be hovering in the realms of maybe and perhaps. So thank you Mark for your guidance and support which led me to Open Book Publishers where I have received only patience, kindness, and care.

My family in India have been unstinting in their love and belief in me: my uncle Ma Wat, my sister Lily, my aunts Nah Jean, Esther, Margaret and Rose, my cousins, nephews and nieces. I just cannot thank all of you enough especially those from whom I sought specific assistance—Alephi, Dee, Elvira, Joan, Linda, Quenda, Raphael, Sandra, Sarah, Sela, Shem and Taflyn. I remember too those who have gone on before. My father who believed in Soso Tham, Meina, my father’s siblings, my grandparents, maternal uncles, and great uncles. I still feel the sustaining strength of your love.

I am grateful to Madeline Tham, Kong Alvareen Dkhar and the descendants of U Soso Tham for their faith in me. I hope with all my heart that I have not disappointed you.

I owe a special debt to Bah So Khongsit who shared with me his knowledge of natural history and culture and my respects to Badap Pynnaw and his family, who reminded me that Khasis listen and remember. Kong Maia, thank you to you too for the long-distance help you gave a total stranger.

My school friends: Paromita Lahiri whose soul, deeply marked by her love for the Khasi and Jaiñtia hills, accompanied me on this journey and steadied my nerve. Deepa Majumdar who exhorted me to pursue this dream and Etta Syiem—our long friendship gives added meaning to ki sngi barim.

Here in Cambridge encouragement first came from Gina often fuelled by a glass of wine or two. Colleen, Jane, Gail and Gill—the warmth of your friendship has sustained me throughout encouraging me to keep going. Thank you too for sharing your love of beauty with me and for wanting to know about a green corner in northeast India. Susannah you entered my life at just the right time and showed me the way, and Glenn thank you for being there at the end. Sarah gentle spirit and friend of so many years, you graciously gave to me of your time and skills. And Ruth, to you I offer the birdsong of the Khasi Hills. Ros, Wendy, Habi, Beverly, Linda, Carly, Jenny and Deborah—all of you have carried me along and been happy for me.

Living in Cambridge has brought manifold blessings. The writings of Robert Macfarlane have especially been a source of profound inspiration and encouraged me to walk the old ways again. This city with its interest in other cultures and the vibrant spirit of enquiry has had an undeniable impact on the way I see and write about the world around me. I found myself here.

And finally to my children—Angela and Tom: nga ieit ia phi—I love you.

My Meikha/Grandmother’s Tales of the Partition from the Khasi-Jaintia Hills

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The Partition of India in 1947, a landmark event in the history of the Indian sub-continent, has been extensively documented as well as broadcast in various academic works and media. To most people reading Partition histories, modern day states of Punjab and West Bengal were the most significant regions with regards to the event, which paved the way for communal riots resulting to large scale displacements. This essay attempts to understand the discourse of the Partition in 1947 from the perspective of North East India, especially Khasi Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya. The focus is on Wahlong, A village on the southern foothills of the East Khasi Hills District of Meghalaya. The creation of India and Pakistan in 1947 and Bangladesh subsequently in 1971 also meant a disruption of the ongoing economic and socio-cultural relations among the people inhabiting this region for centuries. This can further be explored in the study of the Khasi-Jaintia people residing on the southern foothills of Meghalaya, who were cut off from their lands and their vivid associations with the people of Sylhet.

During my high school days, having a casual conversation with my Meikha (paternal grandmother) was a regular process of growing up. Most of these conversations would meander towards a discussion about the thriving Khasi-Jaintia community in Bangladesh and the bad turn of fortunes for our family, with partition.

Wahlong Rum or Lower Wahlong is the native village of my Meikha   and till today, our ancestral house stands just a few kilometers from the Indo-Bangladesh border. I was overcome with curiosity when she shared her personal experiences and tales of prosperity and hardships.

Sitting on a mura and listening to the stories across evenings, I was completely awestruck as I began to realize the repercussion of partition on the Khasi-Jaintia hills as well as the fate of many who resided in the areas, which came to be demarcated as the international boundary or Radcliffe Line, drawn in 1947. These were, for me, unheard experiences as most of my school textbooks and our everyday conversations remained conspicuously silent about it.

It caught my attention when she pointed out:

The Partition robbed the War regions of their riches.

It left me with questions about the relations and dependencies that our people had with Sylhet. Gradually, I began to realize the importance of evaluating the impact of partition on the devastation and changes in the social and economic landscape of the Khasi-Jaintia residing in the border areas. It is imperative therefore to revert to the pages of time to understand these communities and their dependency, interactions, and even the settlements of the Khasi-Jaintia people on the plains of Sylhet. Interesting conversations on the pre-Partition cultural life, dietary practices, and other shared cultural and shared performative traditions between the Khasis and the people inhabiting the plains of Sylhet, and of course the mouth-watering oranges from orchards would abruptly end, and like any loving grandmother would, with her insistence to continue with her stories subject to the condition that I stay back for dinner.

Sancimerly War, my Meikha

Sancimerly War, my Meikha or Paternal Grandmother, was born on 25 November, 1930 at Wahlong. She is now 87-years-old and cheerful and smiling as always. At the age of 11, she left home to pursue her studies at Sohra (name changed to Cherrapunji during the colonial period). She fondly remembers how fashionable gold ornaments were worn by her schoolmates as back in the day trade and commerce was a major factor in uplifting the status of the people. Being the eldest daughter in the family, she was responsible for maintaining her family’s accounts.

During her childhood, Sylhet was preferred to Shillong due to its geographical location for better transport and market facilities. She vividly recalls the prosperity of her village through trade and commerce with the people of Sylhet. She remembered how good harvests around Wahlong paved the way for laborers from around the Khasi-Jaintia hills and how non-tribal laborers from the surrounding plains had to be hired to make up the labor requirement, especially during the months of orange, areca nut, beetle leaves and pepper harvests.

Meikha cheerfully narrates that even though her village was a tiny hamlet, it was however filled with songs and dances echoing beyond the different cultures. In marking the celebrations of harvest, a big theatre event would take place yearly, where performers from Dhaka and Manipur would take part and reside in Wahlong for months on end. “You know what? …” she exclaims, as she giggles throughout in recounting the incidents where men would often insert money in the blouse of the female dancers. The whole village would come alive during such festive occasions.

As she sips her tea, she remembers her uncle, Mr. Sando, who was proprietor of one of the main haats. As a kid, Meikha would often get excited as she would visit the haats during the holidays where she would often find her uncle’s associates, offering her shira (flattened rice) and fishes on every visit.

“I remember the big haats of undivided India,” she says with a sigh, and adds, “when I was young, huge mounds of oranges were heaped and the sellers would often attract customers by shouting ‘derri derri…..’ or something like that.” The markets, especially in Mawbang, were huge as the traders both from the hills and plains catered to the requirements of Wahlong Neng (Upper Wahlong) and Wahlong Rum (Lower Wahlong). These were the scenes of community relations: despite being chaotic, it had its own charm in these areas before the demarcation. After 1947, she adds,

it was sad that the songs, dances, the prosperous livelihood and community relations gradually started fading forever.

From an academic perspective, texts record this testimony of socio-cultural relations in the days prior to the Partition. An interesting example of this genre is J. N. Chowdhury’s Khasi Canvas, which mentions: “Dr Lamb who arrived with his wife and Mr. Tucker at Cherrapunji in 1828 remarked that the Khasis had close trade relations with the plains of Sylhet.” Another example is found in the The East Pakistan District Gazetteers, which records: “from the remote past the inhabitants of the plains of the Surma Valley had trade relations with the Hill Tribes. Tribal trade centers like Cherrapunji, Jowai, Mowphlang (Mawphlang), Dawki, Jaflong, etc. were frequently crowded by the people of Sylhet and the Khasis in turn made profitable business at Sylhet towns and Markets. Ultimately when the Khasis found their products, especially Pan, in great demand, they came down in hordes and settled in the plains where life was comparatively easier.”

To further understand the background to the narratives of displacement, both sides of the coin (i.e., implemented political measures and their consequences) must be reflected upon. In weaving a pattern placing displacement in the context of Meikha, I will try to do justice by summing up the complexity involved in drawing the Radcliffe Line (named after  Sir Cyril Radcliffe, who headed the Boundary Commission) through the poem “Partition”, written by Wystan Hugh Auden in 1966.

Unbiased at least he was when he arrived on his mission,
Having never set eyes on this land he was called to partition
Between two peoples fanatically at odds,
With their different diets and incompatible gods.
‘Time,’ they had briefed him in London, ‘is short. It’s too late
For mutual reconciliation or rational debate:
The only solution now lies in separation.
The Viceroy thinks, as you will see from his letter,
That the less you are seen in his company the better,
So we’ve arranged to provide you with other accommodation.
We can give you four judges, two Moslem and two Hindu,
To consult with, but the final decision must rest with you.’

Shut up, in a lonely mansion, with police night and day
Patrolling the gardens to keep assassins away,
He got down to work, to the task of settling the fate
Of millions. The maps at his disposal were out of date
And the Census Returns almost certainly incorrect,
But there was no time to check them, no time to inspect
Contested areas. The weather was frightfully hot,
And a bout of dysentery kept him constantly on the trot,
But in seven weeks it was done, the frontiers decided,
A continent for better or worse divided.
The next day he sailed for England, where he quickly forgot
the case, as a good lawyer must. Return he would not,
Afraid, as he told his Club, that he might get shot.

Keeping this poem in mind, one can imagine the atmosphere of confusion and hardships met by people supposedly residing on the so-called wrong side of the new border. Meikha admitted of having heard rumors about a plan to divide the land floating in the air. Nevertheless it was brushed aside by the elders in the absence of any Government Officials or land surveyors consulting her village folks about such possibilities. Gradually, the people continued their everyday life and were unaware of the unforeseen misfortune in front of them. On the fateful day, 15 August, 1947, the people of Wahlong woke up to witness the rumors come to life right before their eyes. But the worst was about to follow. The people of Wahlong depended on Sylhet plains for the supply of rice and salt. As borders rose abruptly, it had a disastrous effect on their life and everyday habits. For the next decade or so, people had to depend on locally grown potatoes and bananas to minimize the intake of rice. This reality is also expressed by Nari Rustomji, the advisor of Tribal Areas to the Governor of Assam, in his book, Enchanted Frontiers (1971). Rustomji observes,

In Partition days, the main market for the produce of the Khasi Hills was in the District of Sylhet skirting their Southern border. With Partition, Pakistan embarked on a virtual economic blockade of the Khasi Hills. Movement of goods between the Khasi hills and Sylhet was discouraged…The object of the exercise was no doubt to put pressure on the Khasis and create among them a feeling that they would be better off in Pakistan. The hill people on the extreme southern borders of the Khasi hills were driven to a state of near panic.

“The Partition robbed the War regions of their riches,” Meikha says, as she fondly remembers the daily routine carried out during the orange harvest seasons. Three boats/canoes full of oranges were exported every day from her family’s orchards to the plains and this activity continued for a period of three months. Back then, she repeats, “the plains were still part of India but now it’s not and hence poverty came knocking at our doors.” Replying to my curiosity about the wealth in the region, she exclaims, “it was not only our house but a majority of the inhabitants in the village were prosperous, even the ones less fortunate met all their daily basic necessities.”

With grief in her usual frail voice she utters, “I saw the poverty with my own eyes; my Mother’s gold and silver ornaments had to be traded to make ends meet. I remember running from pillar to post for loans and to collect pending money. What other alternative we had? None! All of us left Wahlong for Shillong in the next few months after partition for the better or worse, while Dad persisted to stay back and supervise the remaining lands (certain portions of our land is in Bangladesh today). Our journey to Shillong was treacherous! We walked from Wahlong to Mawbang and then we finally took a bus to Shillong.”

On reaching Shillong, they sought accommodation in rented houses in and around Iewduh(the main market area at the heart of town). She is however insistent that no assistance was given by the government or anyone at the time of their arrival. “We went here and there in vain. It’s not like these days; you all are smart and clever, back then we were not.” Speaking of the government turning a deaf ear to the cries of the people in the War regions, another interesting memory crosses her mind. After enduring all the chaos, the government finally intervened by airlifting the necessity goods and returned with fruits from the land through a small chartered flight from Calcutta to Shella. However, considering the rich amount of oranges produced at these foothills, the chartered flight could never do justice in recreating the earlier patterns of trade. Eventually like any man-made object, she adds, it served its purpose for some years and then crashed.

On realizing that I might have exhausted her with too many questions related to the Partition, I finally asked Meikha a question, “How do you feel about this entire experience of the Partition?” She pauses for a while and the silence in the room is tamed by these bold words, “Yes, apart from the hardships faced, I sincerely thanked God that the event brought us all to Shillong. Now I’m proud to see all my grandchildren doing well, because if not for the partition, you all might still be in the orchards harvesting and selling oranges, as we speak.” We both have a good laugh and, not to forget, a very hearty meal from grandma’s ever requisite serving.

In conclusion, history of events remains incomplete when the faces of the ordinary, which make up the everyday narratives, are found missing. My grandmother’s tale is just a drop in the ocean of displacement narratives and still I ponder at the fate of many who stayed back and persisted with life, dwelling in adjustment and sacrifice. In my conversations with the older people in these borderlands, they generally agree to a similar point that during the Partition, which gradually continued till the 1950s, the people in the border regions felt that the Government of undivided Assam neglected them as orphans. This, I presume, highlights the fact that the experiences etched in the hearts of the people during Partition sowed the seeds for the demand of a separate state. Gradually, with the inclusion of other factors like language and ethnicity issues, the state of Meghalaya was born on the 21 January, 1972

First published on Cafe Dissensus

SUNDORI – a poem by Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih

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While we sit amidst angers, rumours and curfews in Shillong, this is the right time to read Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih’s poem Sundori. Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih is the key Khasi modern poet whose rooted yet critical verses uncover the unsaid of Khasi society. Sundori was written during the troubles of 1990s when the local nationalist anger and resentment was at its peak. 

Beloved Sundori,
Yesterday one of my people
Killed one of your people
And one of your people
Killed one of my people.
Today they have both sworn
To kill on sight.
But this is neither you nor I,
Shall we meet by the Umkhrah River
And empty this madness
Into its angry summer floods?
I send this message
Through a fearful night breeze,
Please leave your window open.

[CURFEW RELAXATION] SHILLONG : between tribal urbanity and festering nostalgia

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When heat became hard to beat with fresh drink and fan
To cool myself, hastily to Shillong I ran
Where pine-decked hills and deep dark forest
Afford tired souls their much needed rest.[1]

Shillong-er Chitthi, Rabindranath Tagore

The famous poet was fascinated by the beauty and serenity of Shillong and visited several times in the 1920s. Some of his well-known stories and poems were written in Shillong or were set there. Several other prominent persons have made the hill resort their home for shorter or longer times, contributing to the special charm or romance of the small town. Despite the town turning into a modern, bustling, crowded and polluted city with a metropolitan population of around 350,000 people during the last few decades, the idea of that originally serene place seems to linger on in people’s imagination. Such nostalgia, however, cannot prevent the rather ruthless development taking place today. The Assam-style bungalows that many associate with Shillong are becoming increasingly rare.

School Mess, Pine Mount School, European Ward, Shillong (2016)
Pine Mount School, a residential school for girls, was founded in 1900 as a government institution for the education of children of European descent. It is only since independence this school has admitted children of all ‘racial’ background. Although, a government owned school with no tution fees, Pine Mount is a port of call for the local elites to send their daughters here.
Photo: Tarun Bhartiya

A few years ago the heritage building, the Sidhli House, where Tagore stayed during his last visit in 1927, was knocked down to give way for a larger concrete building. The house originally belonged to an Italian, and later to the Queen of Sidhli and friend of Tagore, Rani Manjula Devi. A relative of the Rani later sold the house to Philip Pala – a coal baron from Jaintia Hills, the new tribal nobility of the city[2] – who subsequently destroyed it.[3] In this short essay, I will try to outline a few key traits or characteristics of present-day Shillong, a city I have come to love and feel at home in. As will be clear, not all are equally welcome or allowed to belong to the city. Some forever remain dkhars, outsiders, despite being born and raised in Shillong. The author Anjum Hasan struggles in her novels Lunatic in my head (2007) and Neti, Neti / Not this, Not this (2009) with such a predicament; that is, growing up as a non-tribal, in a city that has become increasingly ethnically exclusivist. Despite this, she also asserts, “I Love this Dirty Town”.[4]

The colonial hill station

To understand Shillong, the particular history of a hill station is especially critical, and like with other hill stations in India the founding idea was to create a home away from home for colonial officers, ailing army men and the wider expatriate community. As Dave Kennedy puts it in his study The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj, “the replication of particular features of the natural and social environment of Britain was central to the hill station’s distinct identity”.[5] The cognitive model was that of an English village, and compared to the carefully planned and regulated cities in the plains, the hill station was allowed to grow in a more organic and unplanned manner, according to Kennedy. The one feature that was emphasized, however, was the separation of European and Indian residential areas, the first referred to as ‘wards’ and the latter ‘bazaars’.[6] This spatial separation along racial lines has rightly been stressed in scholarship on colonial and postcolonial cities. Yet, as more recent research shows, the separation was never as absolute as one was made to believe.

Shillong Cricket Ground In India. Pith-helmeted spectators watching a cricket match
at the Cricket Ground at Shillong in Assam, India, circa 1900. (Photo by Popperfoto/ Getty Images. All rights reserved.)

As A.D. King aptly put it, “there were charged interconnections between the two spaces”.[7] Shillong seems indeed to be a place where the Indian elite could trespass into social spheres supposedly reserved for the Europeans. Sports, the favorite pastime of the Europeans in Shillong, however, seems to have been an arena where the racial privilege remained the strongest.[8] Of the many old photographs I have seen of people playing golf, cricket or polo, none of them display any Indian sportsman. Regarding sports it is interesting to note that what captured the imagination of the people of Shillong, as well as Northeast India more generally, was not cricket but football. The town today hosts several prominent teams, the most successful one recently being Shillong Lajong FC.

Nostalgia

Despite the rich 150 years history – founded in 1864, becoming a famous hill station, capital of the undivided province and later state of Assam, and since 1972 the capital of Meghalaya – relatively little research has been carried out with a direct focus on Shillong. I find this surprising. There are of course a wide range of scholarship concerning the history, culture and economy of the Khasi people and other communities in the area, and more general about the politics, demography and environment of the region, which in different ways touches on urban developments in Shillong as well.[9] But it is hard to find research where the city itself is the key object of study. This is also the case for Northeast India more generally. Duncan McDuie-Ra’s new book on Imphal, the capital of Manipur, is groundbreaking , showing the way for theoretically informed and empirically grounded urban studies of these frontier tracts.[10] My thesis here is that Shillong still awaits a similar type of ethnography of the inner-workings, the metabolism, of the city.[11] The Anthropological Survey of India held a seminar on Shillong that resulted in the edited volume Cultural Profile of Shillong (1979), and a similar seminar some thirty years later resulted in Shillong: a Tribal Town in Transition (2004).[12] These volumes provide important beginnings, but remain rather thin in content. Today, however, I sense a growing public interest in exploring what Shillong is, has been and is becoming. The web-based activist-scholar collective Raiot is exemplary here, publishing essays, personal memories and political reportage about Shillong, for example, regarding the controversies about the new township development.[13]

1936 Amateur Film of Shillong

An aspect that I have come to associate with Shillong is nostalgia; a longing for a city that once was. This relates to the colonial past, when the city was less populated, greener and cleaner, but also to a more recent postcolonial past. Among middle-aged people – those I mainly socialise with – this longing is mainly for the city of their youth; a city prior to violence and protests, a peaceful and friendly place where you go to meet a friend or watch a movie late in the evening without fear. But as many of my interlocutors lament, this ended in the 1980s with increasing ethnic conflicts, curfews, rallies and underground activities. The past – the 1960s and 70s – appears as a time of innocence, freedom and possibilities in a world that was opening up. While I suppose it is a universal feature to cling to memories of the formative period of one’s youth[14], Shillongites seem especially besieged by a nostalgic mood, a collective commemoration of the past. That life for many in the city has improved materially doesn’t seem to alter such cravings for the city that once was.

1932 amateur film of Iewduh Shillong

Nostalgia is a complex phenomenon. It obviously has a conservative ring to it, indexing societal stasis and regress. Anthropologists have had reasons to engage with it, however, often reluctantly. [15] In my earlier work among the indigenous Rabha community in forest areas of northern-most West Bengal, I was commonly told that life had been much better under the sahibs. This seemed strange in view of the colonial appropriation of most of their shifting cultivation lands, turning these into tea gardens and forest reserves. But according to my Rabha interlocutors, the coming of the bangla sarkar (the government of the Bengalis), had brought nothing good for them. The forest officers, who were the main agents of the state, and who they interacted with on a more regular basis, were considered corrupt and mischievous. My reading of this was that the nostalgic remembrance of the rule of sahibs had little to do with the past, but should rather be read as a critique of the present; having to endure what was perceived as a highly oppressive state.[16] The present nostalgic ramblings among the Khasis in Shillong, however, seem more difficult to account for. The Khasis, along with the other two main indigenous or tribal communities, the Jaintias and the Garos, have a rather privileged position after being granted a separate state with control over politics, land and natural resources.

Khyndailad, Shillong an image by Sdenzil Budon

Anthropologist Renato Rosaldo points to what he describes as a common paradox in nostalgic yearnings, especially recurrent under imperialism: “people mourn the passing of what they themselves have transformed”. Agents of colonialism, Rosaldo argues, tended to display nostalgia for ‘traditional culture’, the native society as they existed when they first encountered them, hence oblivious to the fact that these were “forms of life they intentionally altered or destroyed”.[17] Something similar might be at play in the yearnings for the Shillong of the past. As a hill station, Shillong attracted people from various backgrounds and along with this early on it was celebrated as a cosmopolitan place. This was also the idea of the city after independence and well into the 1960s and 70s. It was an educational hub with well-known schools and colleges that provided first-class English secondary education and further a place with a vibrant cultural scene, not least in the case of music, famously known as the Indian capital of rock music. This started to change with the formation of Meghalaya as a separate state in 1972. The idea of the city seemed to have started to shift towards a more exclusive understanding, that is, that only certain people belonged there. In the 70s the city also saw the first wave of ethnic violence, initially against the Bengali community, then later in the 80s, against the Nepalis, and then against various other ethnic groups; even smaller indigenous communities like Karbi and Rabha were targeted as outsiders (dhkars). More recently this sentiment has translated into a demand for the Inner Line Permit (ILP), a kind of internal visa regime that was used by the British to control movement of people between the hills and the plains of the Northeastern frontier. All except the indigenous tribes would hence require a permit to enter the state, this to halt the ‘influx’ of foreigners. For the non-tribals, the ILP movement stirred up fears of a resurgence of ethnic violence, which indeed has occurred.[18] Even if most of the Khasis in Shillong support the idea that the rights of the indigenous tribes must be put first, they also seem to lament what the exclusivist ethnic politics has done to the open, cosmopolitan nature of the city. People from various parts of India used to send their children to Shillong to be educated, but now the Khasis who can afford it send their children for their studies elsewhere, preferably South India. As one of my friends explained, Shillong is no longer a place conducive for study.

The tribal city

So if no longer a cosmopolitan town, what would be the best way to characterize present-day Shillong? Perhaps ‘the tribal city’! First of all, the overwhelming majority belongs to indigenous or tribal communities, formally designated in India as scheduled tribes. The city, or most of it, is further under a tribal governance structure and with customary laws as the key legal instrument. Traditional political institutions among the Khasis revolve around the elected headman, rangbah shnong, and his council, the dorbar shnong. What historically developed in the context of village life now constitutes a central institution within the city, evolving along with two other – partly overlapping and competing – administrative structures, the district council (established under the sixth schedule of the constitution) and the civil, state bureaucracy. The situation, as we will see, is highly complex and confusing for both experts and laypersons. Pressure groups, like the powerful Khasi Students Union, also play a critical governance role, intervening with calls for strikes and civil uproar whenever community interest is perceived to be compromised.

Khyndailad, Shillong, an image by Sdenzil Budon

In theory, Shillong consists of three main types of legal or administrative entities: (1) tribal areas, under a headman and his dorbar, as mentioned above, and (2) the municipality area, supposedly under an elected civil board (but elections have not been carried out since the last board was dismantled in 1967 due to protests because the board is a non-Khasi institution), and (3) the cantonment area in the hands of the armed forces.[19] Of the total metropolitan area population of 350 000, about 200 000 people live in the tribal areas, organized as separate villages, localities or townships with their respective headman and dorbar. These so-called ‘traditional political institutions’ remain a highly controversial matter in Meghalaya. For the tribal ideologues it is a celebrated form of grassroots democracy whereas for the critics these institutions are an exclusivist – debarring women, the young and non-Khasis to hold office or even speak at the dorbar – and ineffective form of rule that ought to end.[20] The latter commonly stress that the headman usually lacks appropriate education and skills and further that they lack financial and technical resources required for increasingly bureaucratic and complex urban administration, such as that relating to roads, power, water, sewage, education, health, policing and various other infrastructural arrangements that need to be in place. Another problem is a lack of transparency, which critics claim enables corruption. Vanessa Kharbudon Ryngnga asks, in the leading newspaper The Shillong Times (Feb. 20, 2015), “Does Meghalaya Need the Dorbar Shnong in the 21st Century?”. After investigations she has discovered that the rangbah shnong usually demand a share (sometimes as much as ten percent) of every property deal within their respective locality. Women’s participation in the dorbar is opposed as it supposedly violates tradition, yet as Ryngnga asserts, such a practice has no backing within Khasi tradition. Khasi tradition, hence, can be bent when it serves certain interests. Sheer hypocrisy, she writes. But instead of calling for the headman and dorbar to be scrapped, Ryngnga hopes to reform the dorbar. In this she agrees with most Khasis: the traditional political institutions are highly problematic yet most precious.

In conclusion

To the surprise of many, Shillong failed again to be selected by the central government as a ‘smart city’, a status that would bring along a package of investments to improve the power grid, public transport, sewage, IT connectivity and other urban amenities. In a moment of critical self-introspection, commentators asked why they failed when less prominent Northeastern capitals like Imphal and Agartala had been selected. The former deputy chief minister and leader of the main opposition party UDP, Bindo M. Lanong puts the blame on the incompetence of the Congress-led Meghalaya government, stating that Shillong, with its history of a prominent hill resort and regional capital, and today hosting various prestigious state and central institutions, and with its cosmopolitan population, had all the qualifications required.[21] But most of the other commentators feel that the failure points to deeper, structural problems, evoking a general uncertainty about where the city is heading.

First published in the newsletter of International Institute of Asian Studies  with the title Shillong: tribal urbanity in the Northeast Indian borderland

NOTES

[1] The poem Shillong-er Chitthi, from 1923, is translated from Bengali by Moon Moon Mazumdar, and published in her essay “Tagore and Shillong: Between the Lines”, in S. Dasgupta & C. Guha (eds.) Tagore: At Home in the World, Thousand Oaks: Sage.

[2] Cf. Karlsson, B.G. 2016. “A different story of coal: the power of power in Northeast India”, in K.B. Nielsen & P. Oskarsson (eds.) The Industrialising Rural India: Land, Policy and Resistance, Routledge: New York & London.

[3] This was reported in the local as well as national media; see for example, “Tagore’s abode in Shillong demolished”, Outlook, 7 July 2010.

[4] Anjum Hasan, “I Love this Dirty Town”, Granta, 7 June 2013, granta.com/i-love-this-dirty-town (accessed 5 June 2017).

[5] Kennedy, D. 1996. The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, p.3.

[6] Ibid., p.99.

[7] King, A.D. 2009. “Postcolonial Cities”, Online Elsevier Encyclopedia, accessed 12 January 2017, p.3.

[8] Cricket like many other colonial games were played within the parameters of the club, which remained all-white bastions to the very end of colonial rule, cf. Ramachandra Guha. 2003. A Corner of a Foreign Field: The Indian History of British Sport, London: Picador.

[9] Imdad Hussain’s 2005 richly illustrated From Residency to Raj Bhavan: A History of Shillong Government House, New Delhi: Regency Publication, is an exception, but rather limited in scope.

[10] McDuie-Ra, D. 2016. Borderland City in New India: Frontier to Gateway, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

[11] Sociologist Daisy Hasan makes a similar point in her article “Shillong: The (Un)Making of an North East Indian City”, in J.S. Anjaria & C. McFarlane (eds.) 2011. Urban Navigations: politics, space and the city in South Asia, New Delhi, New York: Routledge.

[12] Goswami, B.B. (ed.) 1979. Cultural Profile of Shillong, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, and Sengupta, S. & B. Dhar (eds.) 2004. Shillong: A Tribal Town in Transition, New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House.

[13] See raiot.in/tag/new-shillong-township (accessed 7 February 2017).

[14] If I remember correctly Immanuel Kant has made this point somewhere, that is, that nostalgia is above all a longing for one’s youth.

[15] See, for example, William Cunningham Bissell. 2005. “Engaging Colonial Nostalgia”, Cultural Anthropology 20(2):215-248.

[16] Karlsson, B.G. 2000. Contested Belonging: An Indigenous people’s struggle for forest and identity in Sub-Himalayan Bengal, Richmond: Curzon Press.

[17] Rosaldo, R. 1989, “Imperalist Nostalgia”, Representations 26:107-108.

[18] See Lyngdoh, R. “Massive Rally in Shillong backs ILP”, The Telegraph, 1 December 2013. And Times Now, “Meghalaya: Innerline permit demand grow”, 20 October 2013, www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zpy1zvUoFsU (accessed 20 February 2017).

[19] See www.census2011.co.in/census/city/187-shillong.html

[20] See Karlsson, B.G. 2011. “Sovereignty through indigenous governance: Reviving ‘traditional’ political institutions in Northeast India”, in D.J. Rycroft & S. Dasgupta (eds.) The Politics of Belonging: Becoming Adivasi: London & New York: Routledge.

[21] “UDP to pursue ‘Smart City’ issue with Centre”, Meghalaya Times, 22 September 2016.

‘Sweepers’ Line’ is not a communal issue but a historical one

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No other issue, in the recent memory, evokes the relevance of history more than the Sweepers’ Line imbroglio. The week, following the incident of 31st May, misinformation and misrepresentation flew thick and fast. One such, being the nomenclature (name), ‘Punjabi Lane’. One does not deny the fact that there had been clashes in the past three decades, but never was it attached a communal colour, as this time round. That the situation, spin from a brawl to a communal flare up, stemmed from the ‘falsification’ of the name of the said ‘Area’, thereby unnecessarily, dragging the name of a particular community to it.

Hence you have political parties, from Punjab and politicians of Sikh community from Delhi, rushing to Shillong. Overnight the city attained notoriety, in the national media. Organisations rushed to the city with aid. This truly, was unprecedented. Also unprecedented was the ‘non-residents’ commenting almost daily on the affairs of our land, and get off easily. Some of them even had the audacity to give historical spin that the settlers – settlement – had resided in Shillong for more than two hundred years. Truth be told; Can such ‘interferences’ be possible in other states’? It is ironic, however, that we stand accused of being ‘wild’. That’s a bit unfair, don’t you think.

These non-resident ‘outsiders’, are ignorant of the fact that Shillong, is still 46 years away from celebrating 200 hundred years of its existence.

Hence my submission that, the repeated portrayal of the Sweepers’ Line, (since 1st June 2018) as Punjabi Lane is not only sensationalising the issue, and giving it an unnecessary communal colour, but it tantamount to distorting TRUTH.

Sweepers’ Line or Punjabi Line or Punjabi Lane or Harijan Basti?

Statements and Press Release from the government mentioned of the word Sweepers’ Lane, indicating that the records with the Revenue Department, attested to the fact that the word ‘Punjabi Lane’ is a misnomer. I, however, begged to differ with even the mention of the word ‘lane’, which I shall specify, in the latter part of my account. Certain ‘learned individual’, it appears, believed that the word Sweepers’ Line is demeaning, discriminatory and hence not politically correct. This, however, concealed the truth. “When you try to be Politically Correct with Reality, Truth gets diluted and problem gets confounded”. I am, however pained, by the silence and non-clarification of the Revenue Department, Government of Meghalaya, on the misinterpretation of the said ‘geographical locale’. Some might interject: What’s in a name? Well, for the uninitiated, everything is in a name; our essence and, nay I say, our ethos is circled around our nomenclature. For instance the name ‘Iew-duh’ or ‘Lait-umkhrah’ or ‘Riat-sam-thiah’or any other, for that matter, are nomenclatures linked to the experiences of our forefathers- read history. We have almost lost the traditional name Iewduh. Should we lose all?

First published by Survey of India 1925

How did this nomenclature Sweepers’ Line originate?

Certain friends are themselves confused. Sadly, however, they transmitted their confusion to others. It is a classic case of a blind leading the blind. The irony is: the blinded ones are falling down the precipice of ignorance, because they follow the ‘herd mentality’. It is, an indisputable, fact that it was the British who brought along with them the predecessors of the ‘genuine’ settlers at Sweepers Line, for the purpose of scavenging etc. It is on this premise, that the nomenclature Sweepers’ Line stands, and not Punjabi Lane, as repeatedly portrayed. A study of the town settlements under the British in certain parts of India which had been directly annexed to the British Empire, notably the Presidencies, shows that the Towns have been divided into two parts. The first part, where the military resides and often is the seat of power, generally referred to as the Cantonment Areas. The second one, and where the civilian (generally, the ruled) resides, is called the Civil Lines. In certain areas, words like the ‘white towns and ‘black towns’ have been used. In the Khasi Hills, however, as the territories of the Khasi States have not been ‘directly’ annexed, the question of Civil Lines does not arise.

The Syiems have administrative control over their own area, save for those areas that had been either acquired, leased or bought for the purpose of establishing Cantonments etc. The areas held by the British government are called “Ri Sorkar” (Government Land). The Syiem had to renounce all administrative rights over these areas. (Source: ‘Ka Jingiathuhkhana Pateng Shaphang ki Syiem Mylliem jong ka Hima Mylliem- naduh 1830 haduh 1960’ by Jor Manik Syiem). However by using the term ‘bought’, I am not trying to mislead that the Syiem and his Dorbar, were traitors for having sold the lands to the British. Though the British did not have direct hold unto the reins of power, yet it possessed the authority to ‘command obedience’ (pynkohnguh). Its crystal clear, I hope, the distinction between ‘obey’ and being ‘made to obey’. As is evident from the records, prior to the shifting of the capital of the Khasi-Jaintia Hills District, from Sohra to Shillong in 1864, there was an agreement signed between the Syiem (referred to as Rajah) of the Mylliem State, Mile Sing and Lt. Colonel J.C.Haughton in December 1863. And it was in this agreement that large areas were leased to the British for constituting ‘Ri Sorkar’. (British India which included the present European Ward, Police Bazar, Jail Road and Cantonment areas) – [ Source: “Shillong”- an article by Late E.H. Pahkyntein (M.A. LL.B, IAS Retd)].

COPY OF THE AGREEMENT SIGNED BETWEEN RAJAH OF MYLLIEM & Lt. Colonel J.C. Haughton

 

As regard to the Sweepers’ Line, as it stands now, is placed outside the Cantonment Area within the jurisdiction of the Mylliem State (This term Mylliem State was used until the year 1950). Question arises, how or why was this arrangement done? When the Sweepers’ were the employees brought by the British for their ‘convenience’, how come they were placed outside the “Ri Sorkar’? Truth is, since the ‘Sepoy Mutiny’ of 1857, the British had a deep sense of distrust for the ‘natives’- read Indians. It could have, therefore, been that the British command the Syiem into ‘obedience’, to allot a portion of the land for the settlement of its employees.

[CURFEW-READ] Lives & Histories of Mazhabi Sikhs of Shillong and Guwahati

In the year 1874, Shillong was made the capital of the Chief Commissionership of Assam and with that came the Municipality. In 1878, the first localities outside the ‘Ri Sorkar’, which were brought within the ambit of the Shillong Municipality, were Laban and Mawkhar. The British Government took upon itself the responsibility, to clean the localities through the employees of the Municipality (Sweepers). It needs to be stated, however, that the administrative writ of the Syiem was never affected in these areas. ( Source: ‘Ka Jingiathuhkhana Pateng Shaphang ki Syiem Mylliem jong ka Hima Mylliem- naduh 1830 haduh 1960’ by Jor Manik Syiem) That remained the situation till Indian gained Independence. In the year 1954, which by now we are familiar, another agreement was signed by the Shillong Municipal Board with Syiem of Mylliem (by then it was referred to by its present nomenclature Mylliem Syiemship).

Recently, a noted legal luminary suggested a “tripartite agreement” as the solution. My humble submission is- wouldn’t that unnecessarily draw the entanglement into a “legal quagmire’. No such agreement had been entered with the ‘employees’, since 1863, and subsequently none in 1954? What warrants it being done now?

It appears, that, there are attempts, at pre-empting an objective solution. On 7th June 2018, The Shillong Times reported under a headline “Government to face legal hurdles in shifting Punjabi Lane residents” that:

The documents states that the Harijan Community was already settled and inhabited in Shillong even before the agreement entered into by U Melay Sing, Syiem of Mylliem, with the British Government for establishing civic and military sanitaria, posts and cantonment signed on December 10, 1863

Statements like the above tantamount to falsifying Truth. It is clear that it was the British who brought these settlers. At least, this is an irrefutable, historical fact. Now, we are coming to the interesting part, where the accusation of falsifying/distorting truth, stands vindicated.

When the cleaning of ‘Sor Shillong’ started at the “Ri Sorkar” in 1864, due to shifting of Capital, and extended to Laban and Mawkhar in 1878, how can it be that the settlers have settled prior to the signing of the agreement with Mile Sing?

Accordingly, Ma R.T.Rymbai, in his article “Shillong and its Land System”– stated:

There was no settled habitation by the name of Shillong till the British selected this valley as their district headquater in 1864.

In the light of the above facts, one questions the motive for such irresponsible statements, by the media, when there was already the High Level Committee to handle the issue. Nonetheless, as a historian whose responsibility it is to study the Past, linking it to the Present and drawing out its implications for the Future; I am at liberty to ask: What influenced the media to ‘mischievously’ plant controversial statements, that too a sensational one, when the city was limping back to normalcy? It ought to have restrained itself and at best verify. I would, however, like to add a caveat. (Pardon me for sounding like a legal hawk. For, like the lawyers, historian too, sift through evidences- read FACTS.) If there are any, and I reiterate, any agreement documents (whose veracity I seriously doubt), it has to be properly examined and attested by experts and not to be taken at face value.

Dilemmas of Shillong’s Dalit Punjabis

In the light of the above facts, I see no reason that the demand for the shifting of the Residential Quarters from the present location to other parts should be ‘manufactured’ as a Communal issue, or worst still, an ‘ethnic cleansing’- as some learned individuals are bent on portraying. It would be wrong to turn this issue, at least not this one, into a communal flare-up. This issue should be seen, not from the prism of Communalism, but from the lens of History.

A version of this essay was first published By HIGHLAND POST on June 16, 2018

 

7 TYLLI KI NONGRIM JONG KA INDIAN PRIVACY CODE

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Kaei kata ka Privacy Code? Kiei kita ki 7 tylli ki nongrim?

Ka Ri India kam pat don ia ka Privacy Law ne ka Ain ka ban iada ia ka hok jong ki nongshong shnong ban im ka jingim kaba jar jar bad ban im laitluid ha la ka pyrthei kaba shimet shimet. Kumta ngi donkam mardor ia kane ka Ain bad ka #SaveOurPrivacy Campaign ka kynhun kaba iakhun na ka bynta ban ioh ia kane ka hok ka la pruid dak bad thoh ia ka Indian Privacy Code 2018 ne ka Ain ka ban iada ia ka hok jong ngi ban im jar jar bad im laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet. Ki 7 tylli ki nongrim jong ka Indian Privacy Code kin iarap ia ngi ban sngewthuh khambha ia ka jingdonkam ia ka Ain ka ban iada ia ki jingtip ba la lum thup shaphang ka jingim jong ngi shimet, ki kam syntiat, ki kam sngap siar bad kiwei kiba ktah ia ka jingim ba jar jar bad jinglaitluid ba shimet shimet jong ngi. Niuma, ka Indian Privacy Code kam pat dei ka Ain, ka dei tang ka jingpruid dak bad kumta ngi khot ia phi ki nongshong shnong ban ia pashat jingmut lem, ban iatai nia halor kane ka Ain bad ban sam lem ia ki buit bad ki jingstad jingshem phang ba kordor jong phi khnang ba ngin lah ban ioh ia ka Ain kaba khlain. Ka jingiatai halor kane kan dei hi halor ki nongrim kiba skhem kiba don ha ka Riti Synshar ka Ri bad kiwei de ki jingbatai ne jingthoh jong ki riewstad ha kane ka phang. Phi lah ban shem ia ka draft Indian Privacy Code 2018 ha ka website saveourprivacy.

Sa shisien la pynkynmaw ba ka Indian Privacy Code 2018 kam pat dei ka Ain hynrei ka lah ban long ka Ain pura bad kaba khlain hadien ba la iatai bniah halor ki 7 tylli ki nongrim ba la ai kumne harum:

Kumno Kine ki 7 Tylli ki Nongrim ki Mih Pyrthei?

Ki 7 tylli ki nongrim ki mih hadien ka jingiatai kaba bniah bad sani bha. La pule bad peit bniah ruh ia ki Ain kiba treikam kylleng ka pyrthei bad kumno lah ban shim kylliang bad pyntreikam ha India. Nangta, la peit bad pule bniah ruh ia ka Privacy (Protection) Bill 2013 kaba la pynwandur hadien shibun kylla ki jingiatai nia ba la pynlong da ka Centre for Internet Society, Bangalore. Ym tang katta, la iathir ruh katkum ki kaiphot jong u Justice A.P Shah Committee of Experts bad kiwei de ki jingai jingmut jong ki nongiasaid ain bapher bapher kiba la ai jingthoh sha ka Justice Srikrishna Committee of Experts.

Ka Indian Privacy Code 2018 ka dei ruh ka jingkyllum lang ia ki rai bapher bapher jong ka Supreme Court halor kane ka phang, kaba kynthup ia ka rai kaba dang shen halor ka case jong U Justice K.S Puttaswamy pyrshah ia ka Union of India ne Sorkar India (2017) bad la shim lang ia ki mat kiba bha tam kiba lah ban shem ha ka Ain kaba la pyntreikam ha dewbah Europe, kata ka General Data Protection Regulation. Ka Indian Privacy Code ka kren shai ruh ba ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban don ka hok ban tip bad sngewthuh ia kiei kiei kiba ki shem shitom ban sngewthuh kum ka “algorithmic decision making” bad ka “black box system”. Ka algorithm ka dei ka rukom khein jingkhein jong ka stad saian computer kaba iasnoh ruh bad ki jingtip ba la lum thup bad kumno la pyniaid bad pyndonkam ia ki jingtip ba la lum. Kumta ngi donkam ban tip bad sngewthuh kumno la lum bad pyndonkam ia ki jingtip ba la lum thup shaphang ka jingim jong ngi shimet shimet. Katba ka “black box system” pat ka dei kata ka rukom treikam jong ka computer ka bym lah ban pynshai. Namarkata ka daw ha kane ka juk stad saian computer ngi donkam ia ka Privacy Law ne ka Ain ka ban ai jingshai bad ai jingiada ia ngi ki nongshong shnong na ka jingshah ialam bakla bad shah pyndonkam bakla ia ki jingtip ba kongsan jong ka jingim ba shimet jong ngi.

Ki 7 Tylli Ki Nongrim Ka Indian Privacy Code:

Nongrim ba 1

Ki hok ba shimet shimet jong ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban long ka pdeng jong ka Ain kaba iada ia ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet.

  1. U/ka riewshimet bad ki hok jong ki ki dei kiba kongsan tam ban ioh ka jingiada. Ka Ain kaba iada ia ka jingim ba jar jar ka dei ban pynkup bor ia phi da kaba pynskhem ia ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet. Kane ka kynthup ia ka hok ban im ka jingim kaba don dor bad kaba lah ban synshar laitluid da lade ia lade.
  2. Ka dei ka kamram kaba ha khmat eh ban iada ia ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba laitluid jong phi shimet shimet.

Nongrim ba 2

Ka Ain kaba iada ia ki jingtip ba la lumthup shaphang jong phi ka dei ban shong nongrim halor ki nongrim jong ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet.

  1. Ki mat ba la kdew da ka Justice A.P Shah Committee of Experts halor ka jingpyndonkam ia ki jingtip ba la lum thup ki long kiba kongsan eh ban kynthup ha ka Ain iada ia ka hok ban im ka jingim ba jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet.
  2. Ka Ain iada ia ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet ka dei ban san ryngkat bad ka jingroi jong ka stad saian bad technoloji bad ka dei ruh ban san bad kiwei de ki ain kiba bha kiba treikam ha kylleng ka pyrthei. Niuma, ka ain iada ia ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet ka dei ban long katkum ka rai jong ka Supreme Court halor ka Right to Privacy da kaba shim kylliang ruh na ka ain General Data Protection Regulation kaba la treikam ha ka dewbah Europe.
  3. Hooid, kano kano ka Ain ka donkam ban treikam laitluid khlem da shah bnoh ha kiwei pat ki kyndon. Kumta donkam ban batai shai bad bniah ia kita ki kyndon ba laitluid ha ka ain kumne (a) ban kdew bad thoh da ki kyntien kiba shai, ym ban shu thoh kyllum ne thoh kyllain (b) dei ban don ki jingthmu kiba shai kdar bad kiba thikna bad dei ban pyntreikam pyrkhing thik tang na ka bynta kita bad (k) dei ban don ki lad jingiada ba paka haba pyntreikam ia ki.

Nongrim ba 3

Ban thung ia ka Privacy Commission ne ka tnat treikam ba kyrpang ban pyntreikam ia ki Nongrim jong ka hok ban im ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet.

  1. Ngi donkam ka tnat treikam kaba khlain ban pynthikna ba ia ka hok ban iada ia ki jingtip ba la lumthup shaphang jong ngi la pyntreikam katkum ka Ain. Na ka bynta kane ngi tyrwa ban don ka tnat treikam kaba khlain bad ba laitluid ne Privacy Commission. Ngi la pyrshang ruh ban pruid dak ia ka dur jong ka katkum ki nongrim kiba lah ban treikam.
  2. Ka Privacy Commission kan don ka bor kaba iar ban tohkit, ban bishar, ban shna ki kyndon bad ruh ka bor ban pyntreikam ia ki kyndon. Ka Privacy Commission kan don ka bor ban pan kaiphot bad pan jingkhein na ki nongpyndonkam ia ki thup lum jingtip jong ki briew bad ka bor ban pynshitom ia kino kino kiba pynkhein ia ka ain bad ki kyndon.
  3. Kawei ka jingeh ka long ba ki don ki ain kiba iadei bad ka stad saian bad technoloji ki shim por ban treikam bad ki kylla rim noh namar ka jingkylla stet bad jingiaid shaphrang ka stad saian bad technoloji. Kumta ban pynthikna ba ki ain bad kyndon kiba iada ia ka hok ban im jar jar bad laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet ngi tyrwa ban pynkup bor ia ka Privacy Commission ban thaw ne pynkylla ia ki kyndon katkum ki jingkylla kiba mih khnang ban pynkhlain ia ka ain bad pynskhem ia ka jingteh lakam.
  4. Khnang ba ka Ain bad ki kyndon ki lah ban pynurlong ia ki nongrim bad ki lah ban iada ia phi, baroh ki kyndon hapoh ka ain dei pynwandur da kaba iatai bad iathir lang da ki nongshong shnong. Kane kan iarap ia ka Privacy Commission ban shemphang bad tip ia ki jingkylla bad jingiaid shaphrang ka stad saian bad technoloji bad ban lah ban pyntreikam kham bha ia ki jingthmu jong ka Ain.
  5. Ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban don ka hok ban ujor pyrshah ha ka Privacy Commission lada jia ba don ka jingpynkhein ia ka Ain bad ia ka hok ban im ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba lalitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet. Ka Privacy Commission ka dei ban long ka bor kaba lah ban pdiang ia ki jingujor bad ban weng ia ki jingeh ba ki briew ki iakynduh. Ka dei ruh ban don ka bor ban tohkit laitluid, ban bishar ,ban hukum bad pynshitom ia kiba pynkhein ia ka ain bad ka hok jong ki briew.
  6. Ki dwar jong ki iingshari ki dei ban plie ia ki briew. Katba ka Privacy Commission ka lah ban pdiang ia ki jingujor, ki nongshong shnong ki dei ban bat ia ka hok ban wad ia ka jingiarap na ki iingshari bad ban ujor ha ki tnat pulit.

Nongrim ba 4

Ka Sorkar ka dei ban burom ia ka Ain bad ki Kyndon haba ka lum jingtip bad pyndonkam ia ka thup lum jingtip jong ki briew.

  1. Ka Sorkar ka don ka bor bad ka jingtip shaphang ki nongshong shnong ka Ri India. Kumta ka don ruh ia ka jingkitkhlieh bad ka bor ban peit ba ym dei ban pyndonkam bakla ia ki jingtip shaphang ki briew shimet. Ka long kaba donkam namarkata ia ka sorkar bad ki tnat treikam ne kino kino ki bor ne kynhun treikam ban bud pyrkhing ia ka Ain bad ki kyndon kiba iada ia ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet jong ki nongshong shnong. Ngi kyrshan ia ka jingpyndonkam ia ka stad saian bad technoloji namar ka ai shibun ki jingmyntoi ia ki paidbah, tangba kane kam dei da lei lei ruh ban pynduh noh ia ki hok tynrai bad jinglaitluid jong ki nongshong shnong.
  2. Ka Sorkar ka don ka jingkitkhlieh ban pynioh ia ki jingdonkam ha ki nongshong shnong jong ka Ri India. Hynrei kita ki jingdonkam bad jingmyntoi ba ki paidbah ki dei hok ban ioh ym dei satia ban pynduh noh tang na ka daw ba kim mon ban ai ki jingtip shaphang ia lade sha ka Sorkar. Ban pynsangeh ne pynduh ia ki jingmyntoi ba dei ban ai sha ki paidbah tang namar ba ki paidbah kim mon satia ban ai ia ki jingtip shaphang ialade ka dei ka jingthombor. Ym lah ban pynbor ia ki briew ba kin die ia ki jingtip ba kongsan shaphang ialade bad ia ka jinglong nongshong shnong ba pura jong ka Ri ha ka duwan jong ka jingpyndonkam ia ki jingmyntoi ba ioh na ka Sorkar.
  3. Ban pynthikna ba ki nongshong shnong kin ym shah pynbor ka Privacy Commission ka dei ban lah ban tehlakam halor ka Sorkar bad ki tnat treikam jong ka kumba ka long ia ki kynhun ki riew shimet. Ka Privacy Commission ka dei ban don ka bor ban khmih bad peit halor ki ain ki kyndon baroh kiba iadei bad kaba iada ia ki jingtip shaphang ki briew bad ka hok ban im ka jingim ba jar jar.

Nongrim ba 5

Ka Jingiada ia ka hok ban im ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet ka dei ban iaid ryngkat bad ka jingpynkylla ia ki ain syntiat.

  1. Ka jingpynpaw paidbah u Edward Snowden ka iathuh shai ba ki bor Sorkar ki lum pathar bad pyndonkam ia ki jingtip shaphang ki briew shimet khlem ka jingtip jong ki trai met. Ka Ain ka dei ban khanglad ia kane ka rukom lum jingtip pathar bad ka rukom syntiat ia ki paidabah namar ka long pyrshah ia ka hok longbriew manbriew bad palat ia u pud ki jingdonkam, ka jingthew bad ki jingthmu.
  2. Lada donkam ban syntiat bad ban sngap siar ia ki jingiakren jong u ne ka bad kiwei pat. Dei ban leh phikir bha ia kata bad ka dei ban long kaba shong nia shong ain bad dei ban bud pyrkhing ia ki kyndon. Ban pyntreikam thikna ia kane dei ban don ka tnat treikam kaba peit ia ki jingpynkylla ia ki kam syntiat hapoh ka Privacy Commission bad kano kano ka hukum ban syntiat ne ban sngap siar ka donkam ia ka rai kaba la thew da ki bor jong ka iingshari ha kaba u/ka nongiasaid ain jong u ne ka riewshimet kiba shah ktah ki lah ban iasaid bad iashim bynta.
  3. Kino kino ki sakhi kiba iohlum be-ain, kum ka jingiakren ha ka telephone ne ban kem ne sngap siar ia kita ki jingiakren khlem ka hukum kaba katkum ka ain, yn ym lah ban pdiang ia ki kum ki sakhi ne jingpynshisha ha ka iing bishar. Nangta shuh shuh ban pynthikna ba ka don ka rukom pyntreikam kaba shai ia ki hukum ban syntiat dei ban pyntip sha u ne ka briew kiba shah syntiat.

Nongrim ba 6

Dei ban nang pynkhlain shuh shuh bad iada ia ka Hok ban ioh jingtip ne ka Ain Right to Information.

  1. Baroh shi katta ki nongshong shnong ka Ri India ki la nangioh bor shuh shuh da ka jingdon ka Ain Right to Information ne ka Hok ban ioh jingtip halor ka jingtreikam ka Sorkar bad ki tnat teikam bapher. Da kane ka Ain la lah ban wanrah ia ka rukom treikam kaba shai bad kaba ai jingkhein ha ki kam Sorkar bad kiwei de. Ha kajuh ka por pat, ki kyndon kiba iada ia ka jingim ba jar jar bad ba laitluid ha la ka pyrthei ba shimet shimet kiba la pruid ha ka Ain Right to Information, tangba kiba lah ban pyndem bad pynsynjor na ka bynta ka jingmyntoi lang ki paidbah salonsar ki dei ban neh.
  2. Ki Information Commissioner ne ki khlieh duh kiba la kdew ha ka Ain Right to Information kim dei ban shah tuklar bad shah pyniaid ha ki khlieh duh jong ka Privacy Commission ne ki Privacy Commissioner. Dei ban kdew bad batai shai ha ka Ain ba ki Information Commissioner kim hap hapoh ki Privacy Commissioner bad ba ki lah ban treikam laitluid katkum ba la pynkup bor ia ki da ka Ain.

Nongrim ba 7

Ki Jingiada kylleng ka pyrthei bad ka Jingiamir lang ia ki kyndon ban iada ia ka rukom pyndonkam paidbah satlak ka pyrthei ia ki kor ki bor Internet, ki dei ban don ha ka Ain ne Privacy Code.

  1. Ka Ain Indian Privacy Code 2018 ka dei ban don ka bor shabar u pud u sam ka Ri bad ka dei ruh ban lah ban pyntreikam halor ki rynsan treikam bad ki jingtreikam kiba lum thup ia ka jingtip jong ki nongshong shnong ka Ri India bad kiba treikam ha India.
  2. Ha kajuh ka por dei ban phikir bha ha ka jingpyntreikam khnang ba kan ym ktah pat ia ka jingpyndonkam paidbah satlak ka pyrthei ia ki kor ki bor Internet kiba long ka jingkyrkhu bad jingmyntoi ia ki nongshong shnong ka Ri India khnang ba ki nongshong shnong ki lah ban ioh ia ki jingtip bad ki jingmyntoi ba bun na kylleng ka pyrthei. Kino kino ki jingai jingmut ban pyrkhing ia ka jingpyndonkam paidbah satlak ka pyrthei ia ki kor ki bor Internet ka ban ktah ia ka jingmyntoi ki paidbah nongshong shnong dei ban pyrshah tyngeh.
  3. Ha ka juk ka jingiaid shaphrang ka stad saian bad technoloji bad ka juk ka jinglong kawei ka pyrthei, ka Ain kaba iada ia ki jinglum jingtip shaphang ki briew bad nongshong shnong ka dei ban iada ia baroh ha kylleng satlak ka pyrrthei bad ka dei ban don ka jingiamir jingmut kaba shai bad ba bniah hapdeng ki Ri ka pyrthei kumno ban pyntreikam bad iada ia ka jingim ba shimet shimet, ba jar jar bad ba laitluid jong ki nongshong shnong.

 

Ia kitei ki 7 tylli ki nongrim la pynmih da ka SaveOurPrivacy Campaign bad la pynmih paidbah ruh ia ka draft Indian Privacy Code 2018.

La pynwan sha ka khasi da Rev Kyrsoibor Pyrtuh

Darkness on the edge of town : 10 thoughts on ‘Punjabi Line’

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1.

What actually happened on the 31/5/2018 would be best known only to a few with whom the incident occurred. But when an incident is made sensational news for heavy sale, for political power, for organizational comeback, then facts are distorted and every day the facts are woven into such lies that creates mayhem and breeds hatred among communities. Sad to see people reach to such a low with their vulgarities. We were known for being a loving race that respects man and God but the recent incident displayed all. Our level of tolerance was zero. All because the past Governments did not do their work all these years and one wonders why…

2.

Punjabi line, in Shillong, is a portion of a land which belongs to the Shillong Municipal Board (SMB), was given by the then Syiem (Raja) of Mylliem in 1954 to the Municipal Board. A portion of the land was allocated as quarters for the Sweepers who worked under the Municipality. A portion has also been given to a local for petrol pump in 1978, which is now supposedly in court and many shops too were given out on lease by the SMB.

3.

Now later for reasons best known to few, this place became a money minting place for few Punjabis in the know of few of our Corrupt locals in high Positions in Traditional Institutions or in Government. Small dingy rooms were expanded and given out on rent. (Was informed, only recently that there were some locals too who had taken shops on rent there.) Shops were opened out, which reached almost to the road and buses that ply through this route are going at less than the speed of 20 per km/hour. There also was office of the bus syndicate which earlier had sought certain Clarification’s from the SMB, for which no replies were made.

4.

The few persons making money out of this place were allowing anyone and everyone who can pay to stay here without checking their antecedents and children became the targets, where few minor girls were even raped and could not file complaints for fear of the few that controlled the area.

5.

Further there were few that were also being paid by some businessmen to be able to keep their goods there. Mind you everyone gets a share here. Then there are Politicians who are playing dual games for votes.

6.

Few Genuine Punjabi’s who wanted rooms on rent though were not given space here in this Punjabi Line. They had to look for rent in another area in Shillong which they got and are happy enough there. I just had tea a week back with this Punjabi. I am human and I have to learn to respect every human. So being human does not mean I sell off my State.

7.

But from previous knowledge even some Punjabi’s in that area face harassment from their own people who are much better off. When they go to file complaints a group of women would barge into the Police Outpost and create scenes and shout. Many Police having served there know this fact but do not act as they benefit too. This has been a good posting place to make money…

8.

Sex Trafficking under this Police outpost was very obvious right under the Parking space opposite Anjalee Cinema. Drugs are sold in this parking area too. But the illegal trade is by both communities the tribal and some Punjabis and other communities who get shelter in the other Punjabi settlement near the Police outpost.
A Punjabi person who was charged in a killing earlier (years back) under this Out Post was declared dead but later comes back after few years and this again was with help from a corrupt Policeman serving in the State of Meghalaya. This policeman in connivance with some local police may have helped hide many criminal cases of a politicians nephew in Shillong.

Such is the bond among the corrupt…

9.

We all know there are profitable postings which some police pay to get and stay there. This is the reason you see them around always. If you don’t pay or protect criminals you get kicked out often be it Tribal or Non-Tribal cop. I was told by a tribal cop that he has been transferred 12 times while his counterpart was not.

10.

When things get from bad to worse, the communal card is played distorting facts and fueling communal hatred…after all this dies down they are all together again looting, cheating, corrupting, extorting, exploiting, and laughing behind our backs…

Is all this hatred worth it? When we can spiritually mend and blend together respecting one another as one Human Race… Respecting each one’s space. Above all, God expects us to be protecting the vulnerable instead…

Curse of Counterfeit Khasi Traditions

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Most of the problems and social conflicts experienced by the Khasi society today are due to misinterpretation of traditions and acceptance of colonial innovations as sacred and God-given traditions that existed since time immemorial. Let us discuss on one of these colonial innovations which remain in force today through modern legal instruments, but stands in perpetual conflict with the deep-seated cultural sentiments of the people. Khasi elders of old said that the Syiem was appointed in a Raid or Hima because the Bakhraw, as leaders of the founding clans refused to take over the properties of extinct clans, to inflict punishments on criminals, thieves and murderers. The Bakhraw also thought that it was dishonourable for them to live by begging for free gifts, donations, or to fill one’s coffer by fees, fines and taxes levied on the products of others in the markets. Hence, all these reprehensible functions and unholy sources of income were handed over to the Syiem.

The Confederation of several Raids to form a Hima was only for judicial administration for inter-Raids conflicts and for defence purposes, but there was no unification of lands because the individual territories of the Raids remained intact and autonomous even after the confederation. Therefore, the Syiem and the Dorbar of the Hima had no territorial authority over the lands in the confederating Raids. Lands in the territory of the Raids were fundamentally in the nature Ri-Raid (commune land). The concept of the Ri-raid did not exist in the context of the Shnong (village) and in the context of the Hima (state), but it existed only in the context of the Raid. That is why the concept is called ‘Ri-Raid. Hence, there was no such thing as the ‘Ri-Raid Shnong’ or ‘Ri-Raid Hima’ as suggested in the Report of the Land Reforms Commission for Khasi Hills, 1974. There may be some plots of land called ‘Ri-Syiem’ which are gifted by the Bakhraw of the Raids to the Syiem family for its maintenance, as in Hima Mylliem, or lands privately purchased by the Jait Syiem as in Hima Khyrim.

The Khasi Syiems were never owners of the territory within their jurisdiction. In 1935, an agreement was signed between the Myntris and Syiem Sati Raja, the successor of Kmuin Manik, incorporating a clause wherein the Syiem confirmed that he had no right over private or commune lands in the Raids of Hima Mylliem. In a letter from the clan Dorbar of the Jait Syiem of Hima Mylliem to the Chief Executive Member, Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council, Shillong dated 20th August, 1976, in paragraph 2, it was written: “The Syiem lands are as follows:-

  1. The Ri-Syiem, Syiem house ground which was gifted by the Bakhraw of Hima Mylliem, that is, by ka Mihsngi Kurkalang and ka Khyllun Nongkhlaw, and they apportioned to us the Jait Syiem with the generosity of these Bakhraw, the Kurkalang and Nongkhlaw. This plot of land called, ‘Madan Iing-syiem is their generous gift to us the Jait Syiem.
  1. The Ri-Syiem land at Ïewduh (Bara Bazar) gifted to us by the Bakhraw of Raid Mylliem to the Syiem mothers and the Syiem from the time past.
  1. There are also some Ri-bam-Syiem (lands to support the Syiem clan) handed over to us by the Bakhraws of Mylliem and the Hima which is called, ‘ka Umroi Ri-bam-Syiem.”

The establishment of the Jait Syiem of Mylliem is in Raid Mylliem which is under the control of the Bakhraw of the Raid. The lands were gifted to the Jait Syiem of Mylliem by the Bakhraw not to the Syiem in office alone, but to his clan especially the female members who hold ‘ka sad – ka sunon.’ As such, the above letter says that the lands thus received from the Bakhraw belong to the Dorbar Kur (clan council) of the Jait Syiem as a whole, and not under the individual control of the Syiem in office alone.

This letter confirms the fact that the Syiem is only a state functionary, and the Syiem clan has no Raid of origin, and therefore the Syiem has no authority at all over the lands of the Raids except those which he bought and those that were gifted to him. Therefore, when Keith Cantlie said that a Syiem has the authority to hand over mines and minerals to the British on behalf of the people as a whole, amounts to what LG Shullai says, an attempt to jeopardize and tarnish the Khasi political system with foreign ideological parasites.

It has been lamented by various scholars and public leaders that through the forward policy, the British had robed the power of the Syiem and made them mere figureheads. But the reality is that, the British had diluted the position, power and authority of ki Bakhraw and handed over all authority to the Syiem alone to rule the Hima, not behalf of the indigenous people, but on behalf of the British Crown. LG Shullai had opined that the British had purposely mobilized and motivated the conversion of the concept of ‘Bakhraw’ to that of ‘Myntri’ until officially in State transactions, as well as in the people’s minds, the Bakhraw came to be known only as Myntri whose function is only to elect and assist the Syiem. Study of the British documents reveals this gradual transformation of the Khasi political institutions away from actual traditions.

The Ri-Syiem land at Ïewduh (Bara Bazar) was gifted by the Bakhraw of Raid Mylliem to the Jait Syiem as a private economic resource to support the establishment of Syiemship in the Hima. According to tradition, the Syiem and the Syiem clan Dorbar shall appoint officers and employees to run the market, and to collect gifts, donations fees, fines and taxes on the sales and purchases of products in the market and other sources of revenue. But, having been converted into ‘Myntris’, the Bakhraw today had forgotten that it was dishonourable for them to live by begging for free gifts, donations, or to fill their coffers by fees, fines and taxes levied on the products of others in the markets. So, the Myntris today are more interested to be the tax collectors of the Syiem than to be the Bakhraw. If the Syiem of Mylliem had given away lands to the Panjabi community or to other private parties right there in the market place, he had given away the economic resource of ‘ka Sad ka Sunon’ of his own clan, and the Myntris would, according to tradition have nothing to say. But, the reality is that the Myntris were also involved in the corrupt affairs because they are no longer the Bakhraw.

According to Khasi tradition, it was the responsibility of the Bakhraw to provide economic support to the Syiem and the Jait Syiem because the Syiem was appointed only for the interests of the Bakhraw and their respective Raids. And, it was the duty of the Syiem to treat the Bakhraw honourably, and to provide for their various requirements whenever they assembled for a Dorbar. The Bakhraw were the honourable leaders of their own Raids and they had their own sources of income and finance from the resources of their own Raids. But today, on the basis of British innovations, the Bakhraw no longer have independent control on the resources in their own Raid. Indeed, the statutory existence of the Raids has totally disappeared, and what we have today is the Hima with the Syiem and Myntris. In this circumstance, to maintain such a duplicate tradition, it became the responsibility of the Syiem to pay salaries or to provide means of sustenance to the Myntris. In Hima Mylliem, where the tradition of ka Sad ka Sunon had been destroyed by the British, and election of the Syiem depends on the votes of the Mantris and politics of the District Council, the Ri-Syiem in Ïewduh becomes the gambling arena. The would be Syiem is ready to gamble away his clan land, gifted by the generosity of the Kurkalang and Nongkhlaw clans, who in good conscience of supporting ka Sad ka Sunon of the Jait Syiem parted away with their clan lands.

In Hima Khyrim where the tradition of ka Sad ka Sunon still stands, honourable relationship between the Syiem and the Bakhraw still exists. But with respect to Hima Mylliem, whether the fault lies with the Syiem or with the Myntris, or whether it lies with evolution of Shillong into a cosmopolitan centre, is something I will leave to the public to debate, but I believe that the parallel ‘tradition’ inherited from the British is certainly at fault. Is the mandate of the District Council to maintain and protect this colonial legacy as an unchangeable sacred tradition, or to assist socio-cultural change in a healthy manner?

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